Monetary and Market Consciousness in Thirteenth and Fourteenth Century Europe

Joel Kaye

 

Under den kommersiella revolutionen omvandlades arbets- och naturaräntor till penningräntor. Penninganvändningen, och vanan att tänka i termer av monetärt värde (och därför också vanan att kvantifiera), spred sig från städerna till landsbygden. [p371] [se även Spufford p245]

The accelerated use of money had ever-expanding social, economic, and intellectual ramifications. As the process of monetarization gathered speed, habits of thought and perception initially restricted to that segment of the population actively engaged in commerce came to be adopted by the wider community. Actors ranging from urban and rural aristocrats to peasants producing for the market were, by the thirteenth century, routinely translating qualitative values into monetary terms in order to facilitate the calculation of profit and loss. [p371] [detta kan vara ingången för en intressant diskussion om tvång och opportunity: Murray beskriver ju spridningen mest i termer av opportunity; är det inte rättare att säga att det handlar om nödvändighet att hantera en mer monetariserad värld?]

[Kaye citerar Murray om att monetariseringen – framför allt framväxten av en kunglig byråkrati med behov av att beräkna – leder till opportunities för att avancera, men ingen längre diskussion om tvång kontra opportunity tas]

Hur tänkte dessa nyligen monetariserade människor på landsbygden, de som inte direkt tog del av kommersen? Studeras i litterära källor och i årskrönikor. Krönikor ger insikt i samma person/institution över tid; skönlitteratur frequently bring into focus perceptions that remain fragmentary in less sophisticated or unified sources. [p372]

Under det sena elvahundratalet märks en större immediacy attached to economic concerns i krönikor, framför allt engelska. Man skriver om Rickard I:s skatter och pålagor. [p374]

Matthew Paris [mid-thirteenth century] […] seems at times fixated on the economic hardships caused his monastery by newly imposed taxes and economic duties. […] His anger and resentment spill out in his descriptions of papal and royal agents sniffing around St. Albans in their search for new assets to tax. […] Sums of money and monetary caulculations aooear continually in his record. […] One noteable outgrowth of this mercenary outlook is Matthew’s decision at year’s end to give the reader a review of the year’s prices. Prior to Matthew, lists of food prices appeared in chronicles only in years of great famine, as a way of indicating the severity of the scarcity. Matthew clearly considered ordinary market prices sufficiently significant in themselves, and sufficiently familiar and important to his audience […] to merit inclusion as a kind of summary of the year. [p374-375]

 

Paris: “We were compelled to fix periods of payments which we could not in any way keep, that we might fall into the snares of the usurers, whom we know to be their [the king and pope’s] allies and accomplices …” [Giles ed.: vol. III, 155 citerad i Kaye p375]

Giles, J.A., ed. and trans., 1852-4: Matthew Paris’ English History: From the Year 1235-1273. 3 vols. London: Bohn’s Antiquarian Library.

 

By the late thirteenth century, debt appears as a primary concern in virtually every monastic chronicle. [p375] Dunstable till exempel var tungt skuldsatt i slutet av tolvhundratalet. When the Prior died in 1274, almost the first fact noted is that the house is now heavily in debt. […] In order to pay, the prior of Dunstable was forced to collect all monies owed the house by its many dependants, creating an ever-wider circle of indebtedness. […] We see the same concern with taxation, debt, and the keeping of accounts in other monastic chronacles. […] The bitterness of monastic chroniclers regarding their debts reached a peak in 1294 when King Edward I, desperate for cash for his two-front war with Wales and France, invaded religious houses all across England in his search for taxable wealth. [p376]

One can see among English monastic chroniclers of the thirteenth century a growing recognition that their institutions were tied to a circle of economic actors extending beyond their locality and (with increasing frequency) beyond the boundaries of England. [p377] Så lånade till exempel Dunstable 1271 pengar av handelsmän från Cahors, med de framtida inkomsterna från yllehandeln som security. Ytterligare framtida inkomster såldes 1274, 1275 och 1276. Dunstablekrönikan utmärks av en stor upptagenhet vid yllepriserna, och, trots att de var långt från yllemarknaden i London, kung Edwards förbud av ylleexport 1295. [p377]

380

Spufford

New Silver

First major new source of silver in Europé since that at Goslar (som började sina 1040): Freiberg, grundat som gruvsamhälle utanför Meissen 1168, med stadsprivilegier 1185. Enorma mängder silver: Spufford uppskattar upp till tjugo till tjugofem ton silver om året: hundratals miljoner pfennig silver på tjugo år. Som jämförelse: i England (“peculiarly rich in coinage”) myntades det 1158 tio miljoner pennies, and […] this was then the larger part of the circularing medium”. [p110-112]

Peakade någon gång under tolvhundratalet. By the apogee of the medieval European commercial expansion, the Freiberg mines, which had sustained so much of this expansion, had gone into decline and had been surpassed by more recent discoveries. [p114]

Samtida med Freiberg: Colline Metallifere i Toskana. Den lilla byn Montieri växte till en stad och till kommun 1219, och gav biskopen i Volterra en årlig inkomst motsvarande 800–900 lire om året, motsvarande en fjärdedel av det utvunna silvret. (den faktiska mängden är svåruppskattad och skattningarna verkar bero snarare på de politiska striderna om gruvdriften: during the dispute between the Bishop of Volterra and his chapter of the tithes of the mines uppskattas årsproduktionen till 600–800 mark; mindre än tio år senare till 1600 mark). Sinade snabbt under 1250-talet: biskopen fick inte mer än 45 mark 1265; han hade då tagit ett lån på 6000 mark från bankirerna Monsignori och Tolomei med gruvorna som pant. [p115]

Andra, mindre gruvor bl a i Steiermark och Tyrolen. Fynden i Meissen utlöste en veritabel silvermani likt guldruscherna i USA. As well as the new, leading mines at Jihlava and Iglesias, a large number of other attempts to open up silver-mines took place in Europé in the latter half of the thirteenth century. In all of these German miners were involved, as they were in Sardinia. […] Wherever they went, German miners took their own mining-laws with them and set up a German mining community in a strange land. [p117-118]

Någon form av arbetsmarknad alltså, precis som i den parisiska silkesindustrin. [Eller? – snarare kringflyttande experter, inte nödvändigtvis marknad.] Samma princip som med den långväga handeln med lyxprodukter: kvantitativt obetydlig men kvalitativt viktig.

*Åtminstone i England kunde man lämna arbetet. Av 700 arbetare vid silvergruvorna i Devon hade alla utom 60 lämnat arbetet av missnöje med kungens besparingskrav. [p128]

Medieval miners were generally self-employed men working in small groups. Each partnership owned and operated its own pit or gallery and the silver they took from it was entirely their own once they had paid the prince, the landowner, the church and the smelters. [p129] Ingen arbetsmarknad, utom i Italien, där gruvorna ägdes av investerare, som lejde magistri, som anställde guerchi eller laboratores som lönearbetare (med arbetsdelning). Not until the fifteenth century did this sort of capitalist investment take place north of the Alps. [p129-130]

 

The Balance of Payments and the Movement of Silver

Inga direkta bevis för hur varuflödena hängde ihop. Går inte att spåra exempelvis Köln-Champagne-Meissen.

En stor silverfyndighet, som den i Meissen, sinar på ungefär tre generationer. [p113] Meissen ersattes av Jihlava, på gränsen mellan Böhmen och Mähren, och Jihlava av Schemnitz, Brskovo och under det långa tolvhundratalets slut Kutná Hora. [p119-124]

Däremot specieflöden. Från Friesach och St Veit söder om Salzburg till Detta, Abapuszta och Érzodno i Ungern mellan 1220 och 1241. [134-36] The eastward flow of specie from these mining-areas is not so clearly demonstrable again until the early fourteenth century […]. […] More evident that the eastward flow of specie from these mining-areas were the flows of specie southwards and westwards. Från Friesach och St Veit till Venedig via Aquileia, från slutet av elvahundratalet då silverfynden gjordes. 1228 byggs Fondaci dei Tedeschi, with lodgings and warehouse facilities. Från Kutná Hora till Venedig via Wien och senare Regensburg. Västerut: Steiermark, Böhmen, Ungern till Köln, Nederländerna (textilindustrin – Artois, Hainault, Flandern, Brabant) och Champagne (Troyes, Provins, Bar-sur-Aube och Lagny). Från Rhenlandet, Nederländerna och Champagne till övriga Europa, ofta via livsmedelshandeln: Paris, Östersjön, Nordsjön. Det flödade mycket snabbt: Freiberggruvan öppnades 1168 – redan på 1170-talet fanns det mynt präglade av Freibergsilver på marknaderna i Champagne, och tyskt silver i England på 1180-talet och i Paris 1190. [p136-139] Equally, merchants fron Flandres and Cologne are found carrying goods, primarily cloth, in the opposite direction to Bohemia, and from France, the Rhineland and the southern Netherlands to Hungary and, for example, attending the fairs at the mining-town of Gonicsbánya (Göllnitz) in Spiš (Zips). [p139] […] it is clear that for at least these three decades of the thirteenth century [1260,70,80], silver was primarily being brought to England by merchants from Flanders, Brabant and Cologne. […] In return, increasing quantities of English wool, and decreasing quantities of English cloth, moved in the opposite direction. [p140] Nordvästra Europa har ett handelsunderskott med Italien: guld flödar söderut. Engelska pennies i Venedig 1202, och blev snabbt standard: 1233 svor Venedigs guldsmeder att inte arbete med silver av lägre kvalitet än sterling. I freden 1288 förband sig Pisa att betala krigsskadestånd till Genua, i sterling. [p140-141]

By the end of the thirteenth century the overland routes from north-western Europe to Italy were being supplemented by the newly-opened sea-route around Spain. Galleys were sent first by Genoa, and then by Venice and Pisa, direct to Flanders and England. These too brought specie from the north-west to Italy and their departures from Bruges in June and December were marked by strettezza, a scarcity of money. On the other there was larghezza, that is, money was easy to find, in Bruges, in August and September, when merchants from Germany arrived in Bruges and brought in a flow of specie. [p142] Återkommande pengabrist och överflöd alltså. Påverkar det priser?

The long-distance flows of silver from place to place were, of course, primarily inter-urban flows, since the demand for goods over long distances were primarily for urban goods and from city to city, but from each urban centre silver flowed out in eddies of demand into the surrounding countryside, so that a radical change in the rural as well as the urban use of coin took place between the late twelfth and early fourteenth century. In this way not only was the superficial urban economy irrigated by these streams of silver, but the habit of using money a great deal more than in the past soaked down to the very roots of the fundamental rural economy. [p143]

 

Ingots of silver

Unlike the pound, whose transformation into a unit of account came at a time when western money was relatively homogenous, the mark became a unit of account at a time when the deniers of Europe were marked by extreme diversity. The mark as a unit of account therefore came to mean different things in different places. I England och Skottland 160 pence, i Köln 144 pfennig, i Lübeck och många andra Hansastäder 192 pfennig, men i Bremen 384, och i Preussen 720. [p223] Ingen universell ekvivalens. (detta är under the later Middle Ages, främst 1320 och framåt)

 

New Money

Pengarna förändras. Med början i det tidiga tolvhundratalets Norditalien började man prägla nya, större mynt (istället för att öka mängden små mynt). Det fjärde korståget: 1201 måste korstågsfararna betala venetianerna 85 000 mark silver. Bars of silver were the natural method of making payments of large sums to a single recipient or a small number of recipients, but what was required here was the payment of a large number of small sums to a large number of recipients in easily divisible amounts. [p226] Alltså grossi, motsvarande tjugofyra av de gamla denari. Grossi och piccoli denari samexisterade sedan. Därefter i Genoa, i Marseilles 1218, sedan i Verona, Milano, Parma, Bologna, Ferrara, Reggio, Siena 1231, Pisa, Florens och Lucca 1237, Arezza, Volterra. [p225-226] I Toskana var grossin av lika vikt; längre norrut fanns skilda vikter, men alla större än piccolon och av långt renare silver. 1253 börjar dubbelt så stora mynt präglas i Rom (fortfarande kallade grossi, men runt 4 gram i vikt), som snabbt spred sig i Medelhavsområdet. 1266 präglas 4-gramsgrossi i Frankrike av Ludvig IX. Motsvarande mynt i Tyrolen 1271. [p225–232]

[gros tournois] had an initial value, as at Rome, of 12 of the pre-existing deniers. […] However, in 1290 Philip IV brought this equivalence to an end by reducing the weight of the denier tournois, whilst keeping the gros unchanged. […] He soon changed the denier tournois again, and he and his successors did so repeatedly, so that, from then onwards, the gros tournois, which continued to be struck in France until 1364, had a very variable value in the French tournois and parisis moneys of account, which continued to be based on the frequently changing, and usually deteriorating, deniers tournois and parisis. [p229]

Dock ej I Östersjöområdet: Hansan handlande istället med de tidigare, små pfennings av låg silverhalt. The scale of their commercial activity and urban life did not warrant it. [p234]

Varför gjordes stora mynt? Inte internationell handel: I England ökade inte handelsvolymen under 1280-1350, och i Nedeländerna blev de stora silvermynten inte populära. […] large long-distance transactions seem primarily to have been settled in bar silver, if it was not possible for payments to be carried out entirely in paper. [p235]

Alltså interna faktorer. […] relationship between the size of the basic coin available and the consequent number of such coins needed for the most frequent transactions. [p235] Löner är nyckeltransaktionen, även om man bortser från those annual money-wages paid to the rural labourer. Vi talar alltså lönearbetare i städerna och soldater: byggnadsarbetare tjänade 9 pence i veckan i södra England 1280; 1350 tjänade de 18 pence: större mynt behövs. The level of prices of everyday commodities seem to have been rather less relevant. [p235-236] Mynten krävs när det finns en tillräckligt stor grupp urbana lönearbetare med tillräckligt höga löner. För lönerna köper man mat, och så sprids mynten till landsbygden. [p236-237]

 

The Place of Money in the Commcercial Revolution of the Thirteenth Century

In Picardy, […] in a ‘labour-rent’ area of Europe, Professor Fossier, found that rent services were entrenched up to around 1170, although, of course, even here, there was also a considerable element of payment in kind […], besides a light cens in money – a few deniers a year. As increasing quantities of money came into the area after 1170, more and more land was let on terms wherey money replaced the hitherto-dominant labour element in the rent. By the period 1220-50 he was able to conclude that the possibility of paying money-rent was liberating for the richer peasants with extensive farms, who were able to sell their produce for sums greatly in excess of the rents demanded of them. For their poorer neighbours, money-rent was burdensome, for it was not possible for them to sell enough produce to pay their rent, and they were consequently compelled to find outside work, paid by money-wages, to meet the financial demands of them. [p241]

Två punkter:

  • Monetarisering innebär problem för de fattigaste böndera
  • Lönearbetet breder ut sig även på landsbygden

 

The landlords’ initiative in demanding money-rents was part of a whole revolution in attitudes towards money. Just as cultivable land ceased to be regarded simply as a source of immediately consumable produce and came to be seen as a source of money, so other resources came to be judged in terms of the money that they would produce. […] In Champagne, for example, in the 1170s under Count Henry the Liberal, good timber began to be treated as a cash crop to be cultivated and sold for building, whilst scrub was to be cleared and transformed into cultivable land. Such new assarts paid money-rents from the start. [p245]

[…]

The richer peasants, who gained from the new opportunities presented for their produce, and welcomed the new cash-rents as freeing them to have more time to spend on the cultivation of their own land, also benefited from the labour-saving winepresses and mills provided by their landlords, whilst their poorer neighbours continued to wear themselves out milling grain by hand. They very soon acquired the new outlook towards money themselves and bought tenancies and bits of tenancies from their poorer neighbours as well as allodial land. Fossier began to find such peasant land-purchases for money around 1175 in Picardy. They became much more common there after 1225, and even more so after 1250. [p246]

[…]

In the last quarter of the twelfth century money-fiefs […] very suddenly became common in the Low Countries. From 1190 the same swift increase in such grants took place in England, and from 1200 in France and Germany. [p247]

[…]

The increase in the demand for luxury goods, backed up by newly liberated quantities of ready cash, arising from the revolution in rents, brought about an enormous quantitative change in the volume of international trade. […] Until the critical scale of operations was reached, on any particular route, all that occurred was an increase in the volume of trade within the traditional framework. […] However, once the critical volume was reached, the scale of enterprises became large enough and continuous enough to maintain three separate parties: the sedentary merchants remaining full-time in northern Italy, who specialized in financing and organization of import-export trade; the specialist carriers […]; and thirdly the full-time agents themselves, resident overseas or beyond the Alps, who devoted their energies to sales or procurements according to the instructions sent to them by their principals. [p251]

[Inget uppenbart spar av den arbetsdelningen i Langholms diskussion av ockerkritiken. Borde nämnas m.a.p. risk?]

Detta uppstår först i medelhavet, på slutet av tolvhundratalet i Paris, London, Brugge, Sevilla, Montpellier. The lack of an effective central monarchy in Germany meant that, since there was no single great capital, demand was too diffused for any single route to carry enough trade to warrant the new commerical division of labour. As a consequence the trade of the Hanseatic cities, northwards and eastwards from Bruges, did not reach this critical volume at this period, and that of the South German cities was still equally primitive in its organization. [p252]

Arbetsdelningen innebär mer permanenta partnerskap. Växande tillit skapar nya finansiella instrument: bills of exchange, försäkringar. Nya investeringsmöjligheter leder också till ökat lånetagande. [p252-260]

The increase in the supply of money may not have been directly a cause of that commerical revolution, but it was a necessary pre-condition for it. Without an adequate money-supply available in the countryside, albeit seasonally, the landlords could not have taken advantage of the pressure that growing population was enabling them to put on their tenants and bring about the revolution in rents that they desired. Without such a revolution in rents the landlords could not have achieved an enhanced standard of living and obtained a variety of choice of purchases that had not been available before. […] Without the concentrated force of that demand in capital cities, rather than scattered between rural castles throughout western Europe, merchants could not have operated on an adequate scale for the revolutionary division of labour in commerce to take place. [p263]

 

The Scourge of Debasement

Om trettonhundratalskrisen. There were civil wars in France, Castille, Naples and Prussia, inter-city wars by land, and by sea, between the states of northern Italy, the ravages of routiers and condottieri in times of nominal peace, the ‘social’ revolts of peasantry in England and France, or of artisans in the cities of the southern Netherlands and northern Italy, the dissolution of strong central government and the imposition of crushing tax burdens. All this happened against a background of deteriorating climate and progressive soil-exhaustion. [p289]

Tvära kast mellan devalvering (för att finansiera krig) och försök att återgå till stark valuta. Sudden debasements impoverished those who lived on fixed incomes, in particular landowners with fixed money-rents. Since these included the most powerful men in society, they responded with vigorous political action. Sudden strengthenings of coinage were generally accompanied by wage and price regulations and by new taxes. The burden of the new taxes, the uneven application of wage and price regulations, and the sudden restoration in ‘strong’ coin of old levels of fixed payments, all afflicted the poor and weak in society. Without political muscle they could only respond by riot and disorderly violence. [p290]

I Frankrike stora omvärderingar i slutet av tolvhundratalet och fram till 1360. Kraftig inflation i Flandern, omvärderingar i Köln. Annars lugnt. [p290-302] It is against this background of century-long stability, outside Italy, that Philip IV’s debasements of coinage must be seen. Unlike Edward I, he had no long tradition to draw on of direct taxation, voted by a national assembly, which could tap the wealth of his subjects for war purposes. For him direct taxation was a novelty that did not easily raise an adequate revenue. He fell back, therefore, on getting the most out of his regalian rights, and his rights of coinage proved by far the most profitable of these. [p302] Det börjar uppstå opinion (bland biskopar och storbaroner) att kungen inte borde devalvera utan biskoparnas och storbaronernas medgivande. [p303]

I England: Rumours persisted that Edward II was about to debase the coinage, with the assistance of his Italian bankers, the Frescobaldi. Consequently, when a group of higher nobility compelled Edward II to assent to the ordinances of 1311 […] [t]he Frescobaldi were expelled from the country by the ordainers. [p303-304]

But if the ability to change coinage lay within the prince’s prerogative, then he had access to a major source of extraordinary taxation that, unlike most other forms of extraordinary taxation, was outside the control of his leading subjects when gathered in the national political assembly. The leading subjects quite naturally objected to the degree of independence retained by the prince though his control of coinage. The prince, equally, objected to any attempts to curtail his authority yet further. There was this, in the mid fourteenth century, a struggle for the political control of the coinage, mixed up with the direct protests about the deleterious effects of debasement. [p307]

Abulafia

”The year 1059 […] marks […] the moment when Pope Nicholas II set out a number of decrees that would be of momentous importance to the future structure of the Church and to the construct which people began to make of that institution in their minds. [p51]

  • Påven väljs av kardinalerna (så att inte kejsaren och den romerska adeln lägger sig i)
  • Lekmän får inte längre leda kyrkor eller uppbörda tionde
  • Diakoner och högre präster får inte längre gifta sig.
  • Bildar en kyrka som står fri från världslig hänsyn, därför att endast en sådan kan leda världen till samhällelig rättvisa och frälsning.

”[…] we see Gregory and his supporters putting forward an ideal of an all-encompassing Church unified under the Pope. […] But the Church is seen to be universal not only in a narrow institutional sense. The concept ‘Church’ encompasses society at large: Church is society and society is Church. [p52-53]

 

Denna enhet uppnåddes aldrig, men den var ett ideal. Det fanns ett ideal om en enad kristenhet även bland de (som motpåven Clemens III, Hugo av St Victor och Sankt Bernardus) som motsatte sig Gregorius reformer och anspråket på total världslig makt. (p54) Juden utgör ett permanent undantag.

 

For a brief period at least [1051-1100] the Church’s membership and leadership seemed in one mind about the desirability of introducing the apostolic life to all levels of spiritual existence. It was when members’ aspirations began to outstrip what their institution managed to offer that the phenomenon of heresy returned and quickly spread. [p55]

 

With a growing interest in the make-up of man and society, people began to wonder whether even more might be required of them to achieve forgiveness. They began to look for a more personal experience of penance. That experience was often sought through joining one of the new orders, which stressed the monk’s individual seeking for God. But some members of the laity wanted to find that experience without being obliged to give up the world for good. A traditional act of penance they could resort to was to go on a pilgrimage. But by the end of the eleventh century there was something new on offer: crusade. [p56]

 

The enthusiasm for Crusade interacted with people’s growing interest in the second person of the Trinity. […] Interest in Jesus combined with interest in and devotion to his mother. The number of churches and monastic foundations which were dedicated to the Virgin Mary in this period was vast. It is enough to recall that all Cistercian churches had her as their patron saint. St Bernard was devoted to her, as were most of the thinkers who feature in these pages. […] Devotion to Christ and the Virgin Mary was not a prerogative of the educated. On a much more basic level we see in the expressions of popular religion of this period the same sentiments. It was at the beginning of the twelfth century in England that miracle stories about the Virgin began to circulate. From the early twelfth century she is pictured as the queen of heaven, crowned by her son. As for Jesus himself, it is in the twelfth century that the worship of Christ’s presence in the consecrated host began. […] Elevation of the host and chalice and the ringing of bells at the moment of consecration date from this time. For the faithful the thought that Christ was actually present in their midst was awe inspiring, and feelings about the host could be ambivalent. On the one hand there was pious wonder, on the other there could be genuine dread at being so near to God. [p57-58]

All this spirituality with its concentration on apostolic poverty, devotion to Mary and serving of Christ obviously automatically excluded Jews. But it did more than that. Jews not only rejected all that Christianity taught about the Incarnation and the Virgin Birth; they were quite vociferous in expressing their rejection of both. Moreover, concentration on redeeming Jerusalem from the Muslims and concentration on the salvation [genom Kristi lidande på korset] fixed Christian minds upon those whom they thought responsible for his death. [Rhenkorståget] underlined in particularly bloody way that Jews were not only outsiders in relationship to one of the most important movements of the day; they were seen as inherent foes to what that movement stood for. [p58-59]

The urge for the poverty of the apostolic life does presuppose and economy that has some scope for wealth. [p59] Ytterligare en motsättning som drabbar judarna.

So market forces which were beyond people’s immediate control became an important factor in determining their social standard. [p60]

I den senantika kristendomen finns en motsättning mellan Jerome och Ambrose om huruvida ocker är tillåtet mellan kristna och icke-kristna. Gradually, and in conjunction with the sharpened sensitivity of Christian moralists to the problem of avarice, most Christian thinkers tended to choose the path of Jerome. The existence of any kind of usury was seen to breach the ideal of Christian universality. Those who engaged in it were condemned for threatening the wholeness of Christian society. [p60] […] And as moneylending gradually became one of the few occupations open to [Jews], they became more and more isolated in precisely the activity that was perceived by many as destroying the brotherhood of man, which in this period seemed so often to be equated with Christian universality. [p62]

 

Juden utgör som sagt ett permanent undantag i kristenheten, ett undantag som toleras enbart i den utsträckning som judar uppfyller som roll i Guds plan, nämligen att genom att bevara det gamla förbundet bevisa kristendomens riktighet (som ju följer ur det gamla testamentet). [B]y the evidence of their own Scriptures Jews bore witness for Christians had not fabricated the prophecies about Christ. [p65]

From a very early period this idea [servitus Iudeorum – att judar finns för att tjäna kristendomen] was translated into legislation forbidding Jews to have any position of authority over Christians. [p66]

När de judiska församlingarna I Nordvästeuropa växte (till del på grunda av den ökade monetariseringen), samtidigt som judarna i högre utsträckning förvägrades att äga mark, bosatte sig allt fler judar i städerna. I städerna förvägrades de syssla med hantverk – eftersom gillena är kristna samfund. Judar förpassas därför till pantverksamhet, penningväxling och -utlåning. De saknar egen maktbas och är beroende av fursten (eller annan politisk makt). The close connection between Jews and their princes set in motion something that would only find full expression in the thirteenth century [in England, northern France and Germany]: chamber serfdom. [p67] Ockerkritik kan alltså, som Rubin också visar, vara en del i maktkampen mellan lokala aktörer och fursten/kejsaren.

Det första korståget markerar en folklig otålighet; den är ett första tecken på att det skydd testimonium veritatis (tanken på judar som kristendomens sanningsvittnen) innebar urholkas.

[Om rationalisering: Abulafia nämner att förnuftet kristnades. ?]

 

I Christianized Reason At Work säger hon att judar med tiden kom att uppfattas som omänskliga eller som handlandes i ond tro, eftersom kristendomen var uppenbar och förnuftig. Sammanhanget är lärda verk i skolor och kloster. Elitkultur. Kolla Rubin?

Judar fungerar som ett sätt att förskjuta en inomkristen dialog (om förnuft och tro) på den andre. Anklagelserna mot judar blev så pass hätska just därför att det rörde frågor som kristna själva tvivlade på. (Christianized reason at work – kanske tidigare)

Indeed, many of the points which had been brought up by the Jew in the Disputatio Iudei are aired here for a second time. The difference between the two disputations is that in the Disputatio cum Gentili reason – and emphatically not authority – is supposed to prove the Christian case. (p78f)

Gilbertus Crispinus (1055 – 1117). I Disputatio Iudei et Christiani ifrågsätter juden inkarnationen, men den kristna argumentationen lutar sig främst på texternas, profeternas och kyrkofädernas auktoritet. I Disputatio Christiani cum Gentili är den icke-kristna argumentationen i stort densamma, men försvaret av kristendomen utgår, på Anselm av Canterburys inrådan, ifrån förnuftet.

Når Odo av Cambrai skriver sin om inkarnationen och jungfrufödseln under det tidiga elvahundratalet tvingas juden erkänna att det inte finns några förnuftsmässiga skäl att tvivla på kristendomen, men att den judiska lagen förbjuder honom att erkänna dess sanning. Men förnuftet, skriver Odo, är givet alla människor: att judar inte förnuftsmässigt kunde komma till tro måste innebära att judar inte riktigt är människor. (p85)

Det innebär ett steg bort från de hedningar som Anselm skrivit om, som vägrade tro eftersom de inte kunde förstå. Pseudo-Anselm skriver om otrogna som accepterar varje förnuftsmässigt argument, men ändå vägrar tro. Pseudo-Anselm skriver då att kristendomens sanning är uppenbar för alla: korset vördas över hela jorden; kristendomen har övervunnit alla hednakulter: allt detta hade varit omöjligt om inte kristendomen hade varit sann. Kristendomens sanning är så uppenbar att de otrogna kan framhärda endast genom ond tro. (p85f)

Dessa föreställningar var inte universella under medeltiden. I Ysagoge in Theologiam, skriven på elvahundrafyrtiotalet i England, står det att judar i god tro kan förneka Kristi gudomlighet, till och med att de måste göra det för att undgå att ljuga. Men Guibert och Pseudo-Anselm och Odo – och Pseudo-Vilhelm av Champeaux och Hildbert av Lavardin Petrus Venerabilis och många andra – hävdade att kristendomens sanning var uppenbar och universell: att förneka den var därför att ställa sig bortom förnuftet. Även Petrus Abelardus, som förnekade de yttre tecknens vikt för tron, menade att förnuftet (med vilket Abelardus särskilt avsåg naturfilosofin) av nödvändighet leder till insikt om Kristi gudomlighet. Med juden förmår ingen filosofi: han är för upptagen av de mosaiska lagarna. Inte bara varje vaket ögonblick, utan även sömnen,[1] upptas av ångest inför tanken att ha brutit mot något enda påbud, skriver Abelardus.  Judarna, skriver Abelardus, försökte blidka Gud, men genom sin lagbundenhet är judarna oförmögna att faktiskt blidka honom. Gud har uppenbarat sig för människan genom profeterna och genom filosofin: som det enda folket på jorden var judarna oförmögna att leva såsom Gud avsett, därför att de vantolkade profeterna och stod utanför filosofin. (p89ff)

 

Ingen av de ovanstående lutade sig uteslutande på förnuftet. Förnuftsmässiga argument förstärktes med hänvisningar till texterna, texter som judarna anklagades för att ha förvanskat.

 

As we have seen, twelfth-century renaissance scholars utilized a concept of reason which was imbued with all kinds of Platonic and Stoic connotations. This meant that a great deal of weight was attached to what was believed to be the innate ability of the mind to grasp truth. The mind was thus ever more emphatically raised above the body, as was the spirit over the properties and appetites of the flesh. We have also seen that the truth was essentially Christian. Jews, who continued to refute that ‘truth’, were, therefore, increasingly associated with what lay opposite to reason: the senses or appetites of the body.[2] This trend interlocked with the way in which the Hebrew Bible was viewed within the context of Christian salvific history. With the Fall of Adam and the injection of original sin into humanity, salvation was considered unattainable until the coming of Christ. So the rewards which were promised in the letter of the Old Testament could only be material ones; spiritual rewards were reserved for the New Testament. As with the bifurcation between reason and appetite, Jews became steadily more associated with the material gain which their Scriptures were thought to offer them. (p107)

 

Om Odo: var en extremt asketisk munk (även jämfört med andra asketiska munkar); måste ifrågasättas i vilken utsträckning hans förkastande av kroppen (explicit bondefientligt) [p108] – och därmed associationen judar-köttslighet – var allmänt omfattad.

 

Högmedeltiden innebar att kroppen och kroppsligheten uppmärksammades i allmänhet, och Jesu och Maria kroppar i synnerhet. […] widespread fascination with the human nature of Christ and the womb from which he was supposed to have assumed flesh. Concurrent interest in the twelfth-century renaissance in the workings of nature made it all the more imperative for Christian thinkers to feel able to explain how God could become incarnate […]. (p108)

 

Guibert säger: A dying usurer is reported to have swallowed the coin he had extorted from a poor woman as if it were the consecrated wafer of the last rites. [bottnar I föreställningar om mat och kroppslighet som jag inte kan ta upp här] [kristen ockrare; judiska ockrare är mer uppenbart tjuvar]

Whereas the usurers of the De Vita sua, including the one whose dying act was to swallow a coin rather than the viaticum, are Christians, urusers in Guibert’s Treatise on the Incarnation are Jews. Incapable as they are of profiting from Mosaic Law by understanding its non-material message […], Hews are drawn to theft, lies and deceit. In Guibert’s mind usury was clearly tantamount to stealing, for Jews are portrayed as thieves as they supposedly amass interest off the backs of the poor. According the Guibert, Jewish lives are filled by thefts and usury; they lack the desire for holy simplicity. [p112]

Guibert är också asket: hans fördömande av samtidens synder kretsar kring köttslighet, kroppsvätskor, frosseri, likaska. [p110] Det är, enligt Guibert, genom sin köttslighet som judar är oförmögna att se sanningen. De är filthy and carnal in a material sense. [p113] Köttsligheten består I att de inte tror på jungfrufödseln, att de hävdar att inkarnationen och lidandet på korset är motbjudande: [p118] de kan inte se det andliga (liksom anden, för Odo, skulle föredra att riva ett hus hellre än att hugga ner ett levande äppelträd som hotar falla på det – förnuftet föredrar det levande, som står högre än det livlösa) [p109] utan är fast i sinnevärlden. En sinnevärld de själva måste förakta därför att deras lag kräver det. For all its smelly effluences, the human condition, even in its female form, is not disgusting in itself. [p112] Men judarna håller fast vid orenheten: den judiska lagen grundar sig enbart på äckel.

Enligt Hermannus (själv konvertit) kan judar omvändas genom goda exempel: kristen andlighet och försakelse. [p114-115]

Enligt Peter the Venerable är judar djuriska: de står bortom förnuftet. ’I know not whether a Jew is a man because he does not cede to human reason’ […] (p116). Their love for earthly things, for example, makes them interpret innumerable biblical passages as if they applied to the promised land. This results in nothing else than Jews throwing away all the heavenly and eternal goods which have been given to all peoples but them. […] To Peter there was no hope for Jews as long as they persisted in their carnal outlook on life, which, he was sure, was intrinsically bound up with their literal reading of the Bible. (p116)

 

 

Accusations of carnal or unreasonable behaviour were limited neither to Jews nor to the twelfth century. Christians would happily employ similar terms of abuse against those with whom they disagreed on all kinds of issues. […] What is important in our period is the interlocking of the different areas where Jews, as a distinct group, were perceived as falling outside the norms of Christian society. […] Jews had this in common with other groups like heretics. […] The underlying ideology of the Church was one of enthusiastic inclusiveness, for by definition it was open to all members of the human race. […] Thus inclusiveness, however, went hand in hand with mechanisms of exclusion. The institutional Church was becoming increasingly hierarchical. Greater definition of doctrine and ritual, greater efforts to enable the clergy to tighten their grip on pastoral affairs, greater care for legal and administrative concern – all these efforts begged for mechanisms of control determining what was truly Christian and what was not. [p123-124]

[1] Sömnen! Sleep itself, which brings the greatest rest and renews nature, disquiets us with such great worry that even while sleeping we can think of nothing but the danger that looms over our throats. (p90) Även genom den störda nattsömnen står juden bortom naturen.

[2] Se om penningutlånare och kvinnor i The Silk Industries of Medieval Paris

 

 

Kritik av Langmuir (judehat uppstår som sublimerat inomkristet tvivel):

I too believe that many thinkers of the twelfth-century renaissance and beyond experienced doubts as they struggled to face the challenge posed to them by classical thought. But I also think that many of them overcame their doubts, and not just by suppressing empirical evidence. Many of these thinkers were inspired by a genuine confidence that the proper use of reason (which they did not restrict to rational empirical thought) would necessarily lead not only to understanding but also to concurrence with Christian doctrine. But since they also thought that reason was the hallmark of human beings, separating humans from animals, they were lead to conclude that those who could not accept their rational conclusions about Christianity were not really human. [p6]

 

Much of the hatred towards Jews stemmed from totally uneducated people and many of their views about Jews were irrational by anyone’s definition of the word. However, this book has portrayed the intellectual developments during the twelfth century as a broad framework which seemed to invite and justify all kinds of accusations against Jews. The precise interaction between the work of scholars and popular attitudes demands a book in its own right.* Preaching and miracle collections were obvious ways of bringing the wider public into contact with what intellectuals were thinking. Increasing popular devotion to the Virgin Mary and Jesus Christ would seem to have made many receptive to the idea that Jews were not a useful part of human society. […] The fact that Jews played an increasingly distinct economic role whilst falling outside the parameters of central Christian communal celebrations must have made the idea even more persuasive. […] [p139]

We have concentrated on northwestern Europe because it was in this region that much greater scope at first existed for different facets of anti-Jewish feeling to interlock. The reason for this must lie in the fact that it was in this part of Europe that such rapid economic and social change took place. [p140]

 

 

 

*Kristnandet av förnuftet. Abulafia skriver om ett särskilt andligt förnuft skilt från sinnligeheten – men Murray skriver ju om hur prudentia så tydligt sammanblandades. Kanske har vi här just kopplingen?

Eliade

For religious man time too, like space, is neither homogenous nor continuous. On the one hand there are the interveals of a sacred time, the time of festivals (by far the greater part of which are periodical); on the other there is profane time, ordinary temporal duration, in which acts without religious meaning have their setting. Between these two kinds of time there is, of course, solution of continuity; but by means of rites man can pass without danger from ordinary temporal duration to sacred time.

Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane p68.

Måste närläsa Le Goff Med Civ igen.

Endnotes vol 2

Formal subsumption remains merely formal precisely in the sense that it does not involve capital’s transformation of a given labour process, but simply its taking hold of it. Capital can extract surplus value from the labour process simply as it is given — with its given productivity of labour — but it can do so only insofar as it can extend the social working day beyond what must be expended on necessary labour. It is for this reason that formal subsumption alone could only ever yield absolute surplus value: the absoluteness of absolute surplus value lies in the fact that its extraction involves an absolute extension of the social working day — it is a simple quantity in excess of what is socially necessary for workers to reproduce themselves.12

The subsumption of the labour process under the valorisation process of capital becomes “real” insofar as capital does not merely rest with the labour process as it is given, but steps beyond formal possession of that process to transform it in its own image. Through technological innovations and other alterations in the labour process, capital is able to increase the productivity of labour. Since higher productivity means that less labour is required to produce the goods which the working class consumes, capital thereby reduces the portion of the social working day devoted to necessary labour, and concomitantly increases that devoted to surplus labour. The relativity of relative surplus value lies in the fact that the surplus part of the social working day may thus be surplus relative to a decreasing necessary part, meaning that capital may valorise itself on the basis of a given length of social working day — or even one that is diminished in absolute length.13 The production of relative surplus-value, and the real subsumption through which this takes place, are driven by the competition between capitals: individual capitalists are spurred on to seize the initiative by the fact that, while the value of commodities is determined by the socially necessary labour-time for their production, if they introduce technological innovations which increase the productivity of labour, they will be able to sell commodities at a price above their “individual value”.

Despite their usage by Marx in close association with systematic categories like absolute and relative surplus-value, and their abstract philosophical provenance, there are at least two senses here in which we may consider the categories of formal and real subsumption to have a “historical” significance. Firstly, as capital’s simple taking hold of the labour process, the formal subsumption of labour under capital can be understood as the transition to the capitalist mode of production: it is “the subsumption under capital of a mode of labour already developed before the emergence of the capital-relation”.15 Marx describes the transformation of slave, peasant, guild and handicraft forms of production into capitalist production — as producers associated with these forms were transformed into wage-labourers — as a process of formal subsumption. It is only on the basis of this formal subsumption that real subsumption can proceed historically: formal subsumption of labour under capital is both a logical/systematic and a historical prerequisite for real subsumption.

Secondly, real subsumption has a historical directionality, for it entails a constant process of revolutionising the labour process through material and technological transformations which increase the productivity of labour. From these secular increases in productivity follow broader transformations in the character of society as a whole, and in the relations of production between workers and capitalists in particular. Real subsumption, as the modification of the labour-process along specifically capitalist lines, is exemplified in the historical development of the productive powers of social labour as the productive powers of capital. This occurs through cooperation, the division of labour and manufacture, machinery and large-scale industry, all of which are discussed by Marx under the heading of “The Production of Relative Surplus-Value” in volume one of Capital.

[…]

The work of some theorists in the area of value-form theory or systematic dialectic — such as Patrick Murray and Chris Arthur — puts such periodisation further in doubt. For Arthur, though formal subsumption may well precede real subsumption temporally in the case of any given capital, real subsumption is inherent to the concept of capital from the outset.35 If real subsumption is thus something always implicit, which is only actualised in the course of capitalist history, this would further undermine any attempt to demarcate a specific period of real subsumption. Murray argues that the terms “formal subsumption” and “real subsumption” refer first to concepts of subsumption and only secondarily — if at all — to historical stages. According to Murray, Marx considers the possibility of a distinct historical stage of merely formal subsumption, but finds no evidence of one.36

Alexander Murray Reason and Society in the Middle Ages

En grundläggande transhistorisk motsättning i västerländsk civilisation: greker mot hebréer. Historisk undersökning av de två perspektivens olika vikt.

Undviker skolastiska diskussioner: our business is with reason on the broadest possible social stage. [p7]

With our modern schooling we may imagine that a man only has to open his eyes to see that nature works by constant laws. But on the face of it is not obvious at all. Water normally flows downwards; yet in a thin glass tube it will rise. Hard substances burn or crack in intense heat; but not asbestos. Nature is full of such apparent anomalies. It takes considerable abstraction, standing on the shoulders of generations of speculation and research, to realize that these apparent breaches of law are only so because we have begun with too particular a law. [p10]

Tanken på en ordnad, regelbunden natur är något som måste skapas. Den skapades av de olika vetenskaperna (språk, teologi, sekulär och kanonisk rätt, från och med elvahundratalet även filosofi):  they opened the door to the influence of Greek and Arabic physics, which took little account of any god who intervened in nature. Equally important, they defined an area where human reason was autonomous. […] There is no clearer example of this process than the judicial ordeal. The growth of rational judicial procedures threw the ordeal into discredit. [p10]

[Om prövning, se Peter Landau The Development of Law i The New Cambridge Medieval History vol. 4.]

Den skapades också av matematiken, at its most practical level this merged with technology. [arkitektur – katedralerna] [p10]

What was new in the two scholastic centuries which culminated with Aquinas was not belief in miracle. It was the rationalistic context through which miracle was seen. Our purpose in this book is to search for the origins of this rationalistic context. We shall search for it not, now, in terms of its intellectual antecedents – Aristotle, Avicenna, etc. – but in terms of men and society. Our question is a social one. What distinct psychological aor social conditions, if any, urged men to think more rationally about nature, and hence generated that tension in their view of God and the world? [p13]

Murray överger de klassbaserade förklaringarna. Beliefs, credulities, enthusiasms, hostilities, and vices: all were often said to be common to different social classes – often enough, that is, to obstruct any general, neat equation between class and religious allegiance. [p17]

So no such neat equation will be attempted. Instead I shall suggest another equation. It will be based on another set of social categories, created from the first set by a simple operation. The operation is that which turns the concept of relative position into one of relative movement (for mathematicians dy/dt instead of y). Some three centuries before the Renaissance a drawing was in fashion of the Wheel of Fortune, surrounded by four human figures: one going up, one down, and two, at top and bottom, in precarious stability. These are the categories envisaged in this book. They are usually harder to identify in medieval flesh-and-blood than the stationary classes. But they are not so hard that knowledge need perish altogether; and there are reasons for thinking this social calculus the most promising basis for the following investigation. [p17]

Upplägg:

  1. Beskriver den sociala mekanism som skapar den nya mentaliteten på elva- och tolvhudratalet. (acceleration of up-and-down social mobility: ekonomisk förändring 975-1125 sätter samhällsekonomin för resten av medeltiden)
  2. Kapitel 3, 4 och 5: hur ekonomin påverkar tanken. Kap 5: The chief instrument to power was the mind. Men recognized this, and cultivated their minds accordingly. Their recognition will be documented from twefth- and thirteenth-century sources.
  3. Kap 6-8: Matematiken
  4. Kap 9-12: De lärdas kultur
  5. Antirationalistiska motangrepp från de högre samhällskikten

 

Ekonomisk förändring

Pengar är ett medel för att utbyta varor. Pengarnas funktion måste sökas i utbytet, och därför i ägandet. Under medeltiden fördelades den mesta rikedomen inte genom utbyte, utan genom auktoritet, rätt och gåvor. Utbytet var perifert: det skedde i gränsområden som Venedig, eller bland marginaliserade grupper som judar. Utbyte skedde endast när rikedom inte kan fördelas på något annat sätt, i huvudsak när den skulle fördelas mellan sociala eller geografiska enheter. Murrays exempel är vin- och salthandeln i det karolingiska väldet, där produktiviteten steg kraftigt i Rhenområdet, vilket skapade ett överflöde som måste fördelas, och där den politiska enheten lät salt från kustområdena föras inåt landet. Sådana förändringar sker för snabbt för att de traditionella sätten att fördela rikedomen ska kunna förändras i takt, och utbytet fyller tomrummet. Pengar minskar transaktionskostnaderna i utbytet, vilket ökar den utbytta volymen. Den ökade volymen gör marknaden mer fluid, vilket minskar efterfrågan av naturabetalning, vilket ökar efterfrågan av pengar. En högre efterfrågan av pengar innebär att myntpräglingen ökar, vilket leder till att fler transaktioner, som hade varit olönsamma eller omöjliga utan pengar, kan genomföras. Processen är självaccelererande, och monetarisering kan ske väldigt snabbt. [p27-29]

Den monetära ekonomins sammansmältning med byteshandeln – the intermediate character of late dark-age exchange – förklarar den de snabba samhällsförändringarna kring millenieskiftet. [p33?]

Under the ever-present ghost of money as a measure of value, then, the real thing – in this also like a ghost – hovered on the edge of the payments-system, in both quantity and quality half-in and half-out. [p33. Eftersom det är ont om pengar används de endast i undantagsfall eller i kombination med natura som betalningsmedel: en häst och 13 solidi, eller pepparkorn istället för mynt. Pengarnas främsta funktion var som värdemått.]

This partial, and infinitiely variable, role of money had a third aspect. Different social groups and institutions differed in their attitudes to what little money there was. As with other useful devices, a minority had discovered the profitable uses to which this one could be put. But this minority formed only a faint silver or gold fleck in a scene dominated by other colours. This transpires from those records which speak of money in the contect of other elements in wealth. The paradox could occur here that the richer you were, the less money you had. [p33]

Pengarnas fortlevnad som money of account innebär att systemet i princip är en penningekonomi: det kan snabbt absorbera en ökad reell mängd pengar: [p35]

[Otto] Kontakten med Islam – ökad handel, ökad införsel av silver genom både öst och syd (Donau och Po). land reclamation, growing population, active public authority, towns, specialization. local exchange in food, distant trade in luxury. [p52]

Otto’s empire was only the centre of an economic system stretching beyond it. Its main appendix was England. [p52]

Ytterligare inflöde på tusentalet: erövringarna. Korsika, Sicilien, Jerusalem, Spanien. Räderna mot Sydfrankrike upphör: tillväxt i Languedoc. Pengar (faktiska pengar – mynt) flödar från normandiska erövringar: Spanien, Neapel, Palermo, Antiokeia, England. Veckomarknad i Laon 1071; årlig marknad i Paris 1074. [p55-57]

In 1100 and later, the main Latin word for money was pecunia. The word had a secondary connotation as ‘treasure’. This double meaning was classical. But it had not applied in the dark age. Back in the 750s documents could speak of merchants as a class that ‘has no pecunia’; or of a man obliged to live ‘in the pecunia‘ of another. This usage recalled a Latin of long before Cicero, when the word pecunia grew up as a brother to pecus (flock). In the dark age pecunia meant lands, buildings, animals, etc. with occasionally some treasure thrown in: roughly, in fact, what the rich man in Bishop Ratherius’ polemic listed as his property. As late as the eleventh century, and even later, vestiges of this usage remained in the expression pecunia viva for livestock. But that was by then a specialized meaning. From just before the year 1000 the strictly monetary meaning of the word gained ground, to become virtually exclusive by c. 1100. A similar shift is traceable in other related words. [p58 – se också The Poor in the Middle Ages, och Money and the Middle Ages]

Avaritia

The qualities of money have been enumerated: it moves freely from hand to hand; it travels; it divides almost anyhow; a lot fits in a small space; it can be left to pile up without suffering natural vicissitudes. These qualities are reflected in societies with money in them. Men’s mutual relations shift, as if liquefied by their medium of exchange; men travel; social blocks split, like sums of cash, into changeable groupings of individuals; people herd in towns, like coins in a chest; and power, finally, like value, is increasingly abstracted from the perishable to the imperishable, from individuals to institutions. [p60]

Den sociala rörligheten och institutionernas ökade makt skapar nya förutsättningar, nya möjligheter, nya handlingsmönster – nya tankemönster. (i princip North). Två nya tankemönster: girighet och ambition. [p60] The logic by which money could give rise to the first of these [mental] habits, money-mindedness, is simple. Money makes wealth mobile. The mind, apprehending that, can start hoping for wealth. [p60-61]

Evidence for a growth in money-mindedness

  1. Stölder. Vikingar, magyarer, saracener. Avarerna på sjuhundratalet plundrade Bysans; magyarerna gick västerut. Chronicle-refences to cases of robbery and theft suggest a pattern of crime roughly corresponding to the growth in the currency of gold and silver. […] The main motif [in hagiography] is that a saint miraculously saves a thief from hanging […]. This motif was dormant before the millennium and increased sharply in Lives written just afterwards, as if there were more thieves then. [p62-63]
  2. Gregorianska reformerna 1049 och framåt. Penningekonomin tillåter spekulation i kyrkliga ämbeten. Mer simoni, mer fördömande av simoni.
  3. At the start of the [eleventh] century we hear next to nothing of the persecution of Jews. […] By 1100 this friendly coexistence had largely gone. [p68] Första korståget; Rhenlandet. Två huvudsakliga förklaringar: kristen väckelse, eller det inhemska (kristna) borgerskapet som gör sig av med sina föregångare och konkurrenter. Den ekonomiska förklaringen bevisad felaktig. Ny förklaring – ideologisk: The Jews, [Dr. Lea Dasberg] argues, were victims of the Investiture Contest, the great struggle between Pope and Emperor. The Jews were royal protéges both in law and fact. The papalists’ quarrel with the king, above all when linked to their Cluniac friends’ old, ascetic mistrust of usury, was bound to put their subject laity at loggerheads with the most conspicuous group of royal satellites. [p68-69]. [Skulle progromerna ha något med ett asketiskt ockerhat att göra? Dubbelkolla med Rubin.] Murrays egen förklaring: Dasberg demolerade fel ekonomiska teori; judarna var faktiskt ekonomiska pionjärer; judehatet är de fattigas och den etablerade rikedomens hat mot nyrika uppkomlingar. [p69]
    1. Jewish social structure [i.e. international cohesion] and traditions […] helped them adapt with exceptional speed to the finer skills of money-making, not least of that of finance at interest. The growing circulation of money thus enabled Jews to become Europe’s first nouveaux riches. The reaction against them came, not from the ranks of their counterparts and successors, but from the usual enemies of nouveaux riches: the old-rich, and the poor. To the blemishes usually attached to the swaggering upstart, Jews added their status as a caste with its own religion. Their new wealth enabled them to enlarge Jewish religious institutions, and consequently self-confidence, to a point where Christians felt threatened. So there was violence, abetted in single instances by the motives of individual debtors. [p69]
    2. Peter [the Venerable]’s appointment as abbot had coincided with the first aches and pains felt by Cluny’s agrarian empire as it passed into the new conditions of the early twelfth century. These conditions included inflation; for which and other reasons Cluny became short of cash. So she borrowed: during Peter’s time in office, the equivalent of some 10,000 silver marks, five times her annual revenue. Peter had apparently done what he could to steer the abbey’s debts into Christian waters. But the tide was too strong. From an early stage, gold objects from Cluny’s sacristy were in the hands of Jews in nearby Mâcon; and other obligations and gages probably followed them. [p70-71]
    3. Germany’s invidious prominence in twelfth-century persecution, for instane, was largely due to the shortness of her commercial past – the nouveaux riches were all the more so there. [p71]
  4. Vi ser samma utveckling – samma upptagenhet vid pengar och de problem det medför – i predikningar som i satiren. Det kan därför inte vara fråga om bara en litterär trend – att skrivkunnigheten breder ut sig, att fler texter finns bevarade. Predikningen är en kontinuerlig genre.

 

[I vilken utsträckning ökade institutionernas makt – alltså kyrkans och statens? makt – institutioner became more comprehensive. p60]

 

Ambitio

Pengar à social rörlighet à ambition.

[…] the existence and activities of centralized political authority depend on money. [p83] […] because liquid wealth can be concentrated, it facilitates the concentration of public authority. [p84] Men staten är en abstraktion som kräver individer för att upprätthållas: de tar del dess prakt och härlighet och kan, genom staten, avancera. It is true that service often presupposed wealth. But the wealth could be granted by the same authority that called for the service. [p86]

Vilka var det som befodrades?

  • De vars färdigheter ökar effektiviteten (ett ekonomiskt och politiskt centrums förmåga att leva upp till sina åtaganden) steg i graderna.
    • Lekmän. Framgångsrika bönder i Mâconnais blev biskops- och greveprévôt. In Languedoc, the few rural land-exploiters who made the leap into the military class were those who used or misused the comital offices of vigueier or bayle. A similar story can be read in Normandy. There, rather than among merchants, it is in the duke’s entourage or under the shadow of churches’ that an eleventh-century aristocracy of money has been found. [p87]
    • [läs klart]

 

[hoppar till p101]

The observation of social movement, I have suggested, gave rise to the philosophical allegory of Fortune’s wheel. Andras framgångar ger en möjlighet att drömma om egna. [p101]

Är ambition en moral disorder? It was certainly questioned quite keenly in the thirteenth century, when books by down-to-earth Greeks were persuading ascetic Christians to come to terms with the hard realities of social life. But in the eleventh century, and even for most of the twelfth, the ascetic Christians were innocent of such worldly wisdom. Ambition was a sin. [p102]

Thirteenth-century preachers who lashed love of money spoke also of social competitiveness as if it were a twin vice of the same milieu. [p104] Avarice, after all, could serve ambition; as vice versa. But the connection went deeper. Both tendencies, expressing social competitiveness in different ways, were ultimately facilitated by the same economic and political conditions. [p104-5]

Vad var det för sorts ambition att stiga i rikedom och aktning? Ambition, firstly, made a man busy, in both senses: externally active, and pressed for time. Peter Damianus, John of Salisbury, biskop Anselm II av Lucca talar om kyrkans karriärister, om courtier-clergy, om hur hårt simonisterna sliter för att nå gynnsamma ställningar. De avskyr lättja, men även streberns slitsamma fjäskande. [p105]

Servants of government were busy in a second sense: they tended to be short of time. […] Humbert has been heard speaking of the ‘vigils’ of his ambitious careerists, laboring ‘day and night’ for their masters. Peter Damian, always the hermit, warns of time-consuming business that attends the abbot of a cenobitic monastery, as he ‘prolongs his day of negotiations and general business half-way into the night … misses compline with the others, and has to say his matins before sunrise [i.e. and snatch what sleep he can afterwards]’. […] Bracton records the assize of Novel Disseisin was only produced after ‘many thoughtful vigils’. [p106]

Tidspressen var inte något nytt för trettonhundratalet. For in the economic field, signs of pressure on time occur early. Peasants and artisans near Fleury about the year 1000 ignored feast-days through a need to work in their fields (a complaint which would be endemic in sources about 1200). […] And there were merchants and usurers in Lyons in the 1160s ‘working night and day’ to accumulate money. [p106-107]

[Dock, Murray sager ju självt att det blev värre under det långa tolvhundratalet – a complaint which would be endemic etc. Vad som var nytt var arbetsklockor.]

 

Reason and Power

Det uppstår under den här tiden en idé om att människan med förnuftet kan påverka sin omgivning – bortom å ena sidan feudalismens nakna våld, och å andra sidan det övernaturliga, en tredje samhällelig kraft: vad vi kan kalla humankapitalförädling.[p110-111]

Människans tankar (förnuft) kan påverka den naturliga omgivningen. Att de medeltida var medvetna om detta (dvs blev medvetna om detta) under the central middle ages. Det framgår av texter om teknologi, magi och astrologi. När Theophilus (en pseudonym) skrev sin De diversis artibus kring 1100 var han uppenbart medveten om den psykologiska effekten av de tekniker för glassfärgning, färgblandningar för illustrationer, klockor etc han diskuterar. It is the mind that does the work. […] Theophilus is one of the first writers of the medieval renaissance to mention that noticeably intellectualist concept, The Sevenfold Gifts of the Spirit. Four these Gifts are Wisdom, Understanding, Counsel, and Knowledge. [p112]

Hugo av Sankt Viktor could scarcely bring himself to speak of so base a branch of knowledge as ’mechanics’. But he did so for long enough to betray an appreciation that artefacts are a triumph specifically of man’s reason. […] We hear an early Italian humanist in 1238 declaring that ‘by art heavy weights are lifted; by art fish are caught; by art men are carried dryfoot over sea’. If the liberal arts merged at one side with technology, at the other they were coming to merge, at the same date, with the bulky Greek and Arabic newcomer, philosophy. [p112-113]

[är detta ett ömsesidigt mergande, eller snarare en avspaltning?]

Books of magic enjoyed a growing vogue in the thirteenth century. The vogue was partly just an unexpected result of the growth of literacy. But it also witnessed the widespread popular penetration of the concept under discussion. Magic promised power through knowledge. […] ‘so ends the book of the life of the rational soul … the book by which every creature can be subjected except the nine orders of angels … the book by which all science can be learned’. […] But the ideas in magic were not all bombast. One in particular was shared with more pregnant regions of medieval science. This was the idea of ‘properties of things’. Common to natural philosophy as a whole, this idea got its main impetus from medicine. […] You only had to learn the ‘properties’ (or ‘natures’) of things, and you could exploit them, for example to heal disease. [p113-114]

… astrology was well-fitted to rehearse the principle of applied science. It occupied good minds. Its astral laws prefigured the mathematics of post-Renaissance physics. [p114] Astrologin rättfärdigade sig gentemot tvivlarna genom att sitt praktiska värde: om man kan förutsäga en katastrof är man bättre rustad att utstå den. Denna logik skulle komma att rättfärdiga obduktioner: in the last instance at least, the plague, the astrologers’ principle certainly contributed to a science destined to have tangible results. [p116]

Reason in the face of other men

[…] the two fields [makt över naturen och makt över människor] certainly shared one feature: the key to power in both was the mind. [p116]

De intellektuella [vilka?] var medvetna om det. They evinced this consciousness in three main ways: in theories of historical development; in views of government, civil and military; and in the evaluations they made of knowledge and intelligence when discussing, on one hand, the value of historical study, and on the other, the virtue of prudence. [p116]

Among the most striking aspects of the twelfth-century renaissance was its interest in the rise and fall of empires. [p116] Mellan astrologisk determinism och teologisk ersättningslära (judar till kristna romare) fanns the apologists of learning [p117]. Det är de fria konsterna som garanterar imperiers livskraft. Konsten knyts till kungamakten. På så sätt görs exempelvis julevangeliets vise män till kungar, med början under det sena niohundratalet; vid mitten av elvahundratalet blir de heliga tre konungar Kölns skyddshelgon, där deras reliker också förvaras. Man talar om the literary accomplishments of Julius Caesar, och om Salomo. [p118] Secretum Secretorum, Alexander den stores lärobok när han studerade under Aristoteles, säger the head of policy and judgement is Reason. It is the health of the soul and the mirror of faults. … It is the chief of all praiseworthy things, and the fountain-head of all glories. [p120]

In the the Latin Secretum entered, the political field was still divided, in many people’s minds, between human and superhuman force. In such a field, the Secretum’s bold apotheosis of intellect had the attraction of novelty – just the novelty its readers were ready to discover.

 

The intellect in government (a) Kings and ministers

Makten under elva- och tolvhundratalen utövades i allt högre grad av ett centraliserat styre. Ämbetsmän behövde instrueras: det skrevs handböcker. Nämnda Secretum säger att en härskare skall göra till sina ministrar de (bland andra kvalifikationer) som är snabba i tanken, har gott minne, och show[s] skill in ’all sciences’, and know[s] the sources of expenditure. [p121-122]

Coutumes de Beauvausis från 1290. […] detailed working advice for those mobile viceroys, the baillis […]. The first chapter of the Coutumes lists ten qualities needed by the bailli. In the list, neither loving God nor loving the king comes higher than second place. The first is held by that virtue “which is and ought to be lady and mistress of all the others, and without which the other virtues cannot be employed. This virtue is called wisdom […]” [p122]

Li Tresors, från 1268. One section of Li Tresors treats the office of podestà elected chief executive of a commune; and Latini includes here a list of twelve virtues a candidate should have. Faith in God […] now comes at the very end of the list. And what comes at the head? Once more, it is wisdom […] [p123]

(b) warriors

ovidkommande

 

The inherent usefulness of learning and reason

Prudentia görs till kristen dygd, utan att helt frigöras från konnotationen ’list’. Från 1000 och framåt. [p132-135] […] prudence was the virtue which distinguished aids and obstacles to the love of God. [p134] But we also find – and there is no getting away from the fact that the texts where we find it were the ones most widely copied – a tendency to merge the two meanings. The merging had the effect of usurping, for a non-Christian virtue, the Christian virtue’s place in the ethical scheme. [p135]

 

Matematiken kap 6

Under den tidiga medeltiden var aritmetiken i allmänhet förbehållen prästerskapet, de skriftlärda, och då i allmänhet som ett sätt att studera Bibeln och beräkna påskhögtidens rätta plats i kalendern. Dess tekniska utveckling stagnerade efter den karolingiska renässansen: tabeller och andra räknehjälpmedel användes, men inga större framsteg gjordes. Den ottonska renässansen innebar en utbredning av matematisk färdighet: “it is clear that in both England and Germany practical reckoning was taught to school-children.” [p144-157] [citat: p157]

Alcuinus slutade på sjuhundratalet räkna vid 9000 – större tal än så var alltför otympliga att representera; med abakusens hjälp når Gerbert bara tvåhundra år senare 1010. [p164]

Från slutet av niohundratalet evidence thickens, if slowly at first, about society generally och mathematics as a science takes wing, [p162] Från den ottonska renässansen och framåt kan man skriva en matematikens samhällshistoria.

In the four centuries after Gerbert there emerged, in a significant proportion of society, that familiarity with numbers which was a precondition of Renaissance mathematics. [p162]

Abakusen (åter)upptäcktes möjligen så tidigt som 970; den var känd i England senast 1079. Mellan tusentalet och trettonhundratalet skrevs minst arton avhandlingar om abakusen och dess användning. Firstly, the spread of a device for accurate calculation presupposed a preparedness, in the people it spread among, to explore in this direction. […] Secondly, once the device was known, it did not merely, like a mechanism, do the sums put to it. It had to operated; and it shaped its operators’ minds. […] From about the millennium, but above all in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, there radiated from this device, wherever it was used, a stimulus towards an accurate concept of numbers. [p165-166]

Men abakusen innebär också att matematiken begränsas: det behövs ett sätt att enkelt notera stegen i en uträkning, men också ett sätt att snabbare genomföra beräkningar. Arabiska siffror ersatte abakusen. De var kända i Europa 1200, men började inte bli allmänt använda förrän fjortonhundratalet. Inom bokföringen däremot användes de så tidigt som 1299 då Florens bankirers och penningväxlares gille förbjöd sina medlemmar att använda dem. Gillet upprepade förbudet minst tre gånger mellan 1299 och 1316, förmodligen, skriver Murray, för att undvika anklagelser om ocker och fusk av det lokala prästerskapet, för vilka de arabiska siffrorna lär ha varit otydbara. [p166-170] [dock, se kritiken]

Jag kan inte källmaterialet tillräckligt väl för att säga vem av dem som har rätt. Det spelar hur som helst ingen större roll: rationaliseringen under den senare hälften av medeltiden är tillräckligt väl belagd av Crosby, Murray och Le Goff oavsett den specifika frågan om abakusen och de arabiska siffrorna.

Handeln med läroböcker i matematik och astrologi antyder att tusentals människor räknade vid trettonhundratalets början. Bara i Florens studer över tusen barn abaco och algorismo 1345. [p172] Men what were the thousands of practical reckoners, in the teeming countryside of Europe before the Black Death? [p174]

We have learned where to find non-arithmeticians: in literature. Because literature normally took a different path from mathematics it provides a measure for the influence of mathematics on non-specialist thought. The more deliberately the paths diverged (e.g. because of literary prejudice against numbers), the more telling are the signs of mathematical influence. Literary conventions might resist the infiltration of precise number, but they could not hold out for ever. [p174-175]

[…] a shift can be shown to have occurred in the mental habits of the literate. There emerged among them what can be called an ‘arithmetical mentality’. [p175]

Litterära konventioner innan tolvhundratalet (levde kvar efteråt men gre less intense and less universal p175): för det första att undvika exakta mängder och tal, especially dates. Tal i hagiografisk litteratur mellan 1000 och 1200 handlar i allmänhet om små mängder eller små tidsperioder – tjugo solidi, tjugo år – and very occasionally the achievements of repetitive prayer (’he said the Paternoster three hundred times each night’: numbers are exceptionally high in this context). Hagiografin lyder under vissa genrekrav – den var sifferlös i större utsträckning än annan litteratur, men: Between the millenium and the fourteenth century, hagiography as a whole lost its dominant position in literature. That is to say, the characteristaclly innumerate genre commanded less of the literary scene. Trenden stämmer dessutom för annan litteratur: De diversis artibus till exempel anger endast undantagsvis exakta mått. [p175-176] I norra Frankrike – the heartland of the intellectual renaissance [in the twelfth century] – skrev abbot Suger av St. Denis om Ludvigs VI liv och gärningar: alla slag och härtåg, alla uppbåd, listor över de döda och sårade uppmäts till quamplures, multi eller rätt och slätt ’likt gräshoppor’. Två gånger anges ett antal över ett hundra: ett rent symboliskt tiotusen. (For such numbers were commonly used by chronichlers as if, rather than numbers, they were names, denoting broad orders of magnitude. [p177] denna second mental habit illustrative of the innumerancy of early medieval literature [p179]) Årtal anges aldrig. Abelardus (friend of the Chartres mathematicians) räknar i sin självbiografi med ‘många’, ‘en mängd’, ‘somliga’: inga antal över fem specificeras; datum används inte. [p177]

Shyness of figures; exaggeration of large numbers: in medieval Europe these figures marked most literature in most places at least down to the late thirteenth century. More specimens of both could be assembled from this and even later periods. Psychologically revealing because uncontrived, they show how the antipathy to arithmetic inherited by medieval literature from its forebears struck root deep in medieval soil. The limit of clear numerical consciousness for the bulk of the literate people remained, in effect, roughly that of arithmetic in Roman numerals. Above that, exact quantity was a stranger. [p180]

Första försöket att räkna – Domesday Book. I slutet av tusentalet kunde många fler än royal commissioners grundläggande aritmetik; mot slutet av elvahundratalet var förmågan att räkna pengar och mäta tyg test of legal majority för en borgarson.  Det gick långsammare i Frankrike: den gotiska arkitekturen (som kräver ett visst matematiskt kunnande) uppstod circa 1140; kontrakt och juridiska dokument pick up their taste for numbers after [1125]. By the early thirteenth centiry France had certainly made up for any ground it had lost earlier. In 1223 a French royal official will be found tossing off from his head the annual revenues of the last two kings, to the tune of hundres of thousands of livres (not in round numbers, either) – while a visiting cleric from Lausanne, to whom the boast was made, will be found remembering the figure. [p181]

Så det fanns en viss nummerkunnighet bland vissa grupper under elvahundratalet. Men det fanns också bredare kunnighet, som blir tydligast i Italien under tolvhundratalet. Fra Salimbene av Parma skrev krönikor under sena 1280-talet: han använder årtal, månader, datum, sidhänvisningar, han anger antal med stor noggrannhet; han anger matvarupriser under missväxtår och under år med god skörd. Bonvesino della Riva skrev 1288 en (för tiden) enorm statistisk studie av Milano: han räknar med exakthet dess invånare; dess kyrkor, marknader, fontäner, hospital, helgedomar, harnesksmeder, jurister, trumpetare, kloster; han beräknar den dagliga åtgången av säd, kött och fisk utslaget på festdagar och fastedagar. Bonvesino utgick dels från redan beräknade siffror (government accounts), dels från de siffror han och hans medhjälpare kunde få från slaktare, tullindrivare, etc. Giovanni Villani skrev i Florens mot slutet av 1340-talet sin Cronica, the biggest thesaurus of figures in medieval historiography. [p184] [M]ore widely copied than any other chronicle of the late middle ages. [p184] Där mäts brospann, hyror och avgifter, sädeskornpriser, tullavgifter, löner; han räknar sjukhus, nattvardsvinsmängder och allt mellan himmel och jord. When he could not discover a number […] Villani left a blank. That is to say, the numbers he put in were not wild guesses. Vi ser liknande utveckling i annan litteratur från 1200-talet: kanske framför allt den apokalyptiska talmystik som utgick från Joakim av Floris studier av Uppenbarelseboken. Och det var inte bara litteratur: bankirer listar anställda med löner, skulder och nettotillgångar; Dante förväntar sig att läsaren förstår uttryck som ’a man worth a thousand florins.’ Alltihop [p181-184].

 

Orsaker till matematisering:

  • Uppstår på samma ställen vid samma tidpunkt: Italien under tolvhundratalet, bland icke-latintalande. De utgår båda från vernakulären: vernakulära vikt- och mängdmått tränger ofta in i latinsk litteratur både vad gäller kommersiella ämnen och matematik. [W]riters about reckoning will sa or suggest that merchants were good reckoners [på 1100-talet]. Och ju mer monetariserad ekonomin blir, ju mer beroende av penningväxlare och penninglånare allmänheten blir, desto mer allmän blir matematiken. De problem Fibonaxxi diskuterar i Liber Abaci tar ofta formen av ekonomiska transaktion: ’The man who went to Constantinople to sell three pearls” etc. [p190]
    • Money divides and multiplies easily and precisely. Goods can be reduced by it to a common measure; and its use encourages their circulation. The spread of money through a society is a direct invitation to it to calculate with number. [p191]
  • Å andra sidan: ingen matematiker var köpman. Den specialiserade matematiken överlever i väldigt få manuskript: de välspridda, välanvända läroböckerna är långt mindre avancerade. Det fanns gränser för kommersialiseringens matematisering. Det var en framträdande faktor, men inte den enda. Pengar genomsyrade samhället (se ovan om snabb monetarisering). Och some otherwise dynamic merchants […] can even appear puzzlingly conservative in the field […] [Se kritiken nedan]. Det var alltså inte främst köpmännen specifikt, utan en mer allmän monetarisering. [p192-194]
  • Och det är ena halvan av sanningen. Den andra: styret. Under the umathematical dark ages var matematikens två främsta entusiaster Karl den store och Otto den store. De fem främsta företrädarna för medeltida matematik – Bede, Alcuin, Gerbert, Adelard av Bath, Leonardo av Pisa – lived the latter part of their lives as friends of monarchs. Tolvhundratalets Italien för födelseplatsen för matematiken, handeln, och den mogna stadsstaten, byggd på statssuveränitet och romersk rätt. Rätten blomstrade under tolvhundratalet. [p194] Kopplingen mellan centraliserad statsmakt och aritmetik är partly a mere exention of the ’countinghouse’ theory. […] Trade was often the ultimate stimulus to government arithmetic. Nearly all the great governmental numbering enterprises of the central middle ages, from Domesday on, owed at least part of their origin to some ruler’s desire to sponge up liquidity, created by trade. The same went for the complex taxation arrangements of twelfth- and thirteenth-century Italian communes […]. […] internal accounting between ruler and agent resembled in principle that of a big business. [p195]
  • Igen, å andra sidan: kronan räknade så mycket mer än pengar (människor och soldater bl. a.), och den räknade i så mycket större skala och över långt större områden. (och Murray talar om styrande i allmänhet: inklusive biskopsdömen och ordnar.) Statskonst är att räkna: behov av matematiker. [p197-198]
  • Arithmetic, then was a skill in pure reason. […] If reason led to power, so also and especially – must arithmetic. […] The two areas where arithmetic most throve, commerce and government, were, among many other things, society’s two main staircases. In a word: numerical skill could raise a man. [p206] Många matematiker var courtiers och professional astrologers, “for the most part men who had begun life with little substance of their own.” [p208]

 

[his discussion of arithmetic ignores the classical and medieval distinction between arithmetic (the science of numbers) and logistic (the art of reckoning). Failing to appreciate how systems of numeration fit techniques of calculation, he inverts the historical relation of abacus and algorism. Convinced of the inherent superiority of decimal place-value reckoning, he sets up as a paradox the retention of Roman numerals and the abacus by otherwise “progressive” men. But there is no mystery. The abacus is faster than written calculation and takes up no paper; Roman numbers betray tampering. The paradox is specious. Mahoney i The American Historical Review vol 84 no 5 dec 1979]

[Makt fås genom intellektuellt arbete – folk blir intellektuella.] But this is as far as Murray takes the influence of commerce on rationality. He misses the opportunity to show at this point how commerce and business themselves stimulated the rational process by requiring calculation, records, accounting, and the methodical pursuit of profit. Baldwin i Speculum vol 5 no 3 jul. 1980] [Men varför gör handel det? – varför kan man inte, som en gång trobrianderna, utveckla ett förhållandevis avancerat cirkulationssystem utan något av detta? Här knyter vi äntligen ihop säcken tiden/beräkning –  värdet är unikt som diskret kvantifierbart mått på en abstrakt rikedom; beräkningen ligger inbyggd. Postone & Gurevitj.] [är inte kapitalismen just beräknande? – se Om judefrågan]

 

Anteckningar om modernitet och kapitalism

Ellen Meiksins Wood om kapitalism och modernitet, utifrån The Origin of Capitalism

Modernitet = webersk rationalisering: the rationalization of the state in bureaucratic organization, the rationalization of the economy in industrial capitalism, the rationalization of culture in the spread of education, the decline of superstition, and the progress of science and technology.

Modernitet har inget med kapitalism att göra. De är helt oavhängiga varandra. Moderniteten uppstod i de franska städerna (genom upplysningen); kapitalismen uppstod på den engelska landsbygden.

Upplysningens ekonomiska bas är det franska enväldet: den franska staten utgör en ekonomisk resurs för en betydande del av härskarklassen; staten är bygger på icke-ekonomisk utsugning. Det tredje ståndets ideologi, själva revolutionen, handlade inte om kapitalism, utan om kampen om makten över denna utomekonomiska utsugningsapparat.

Eller rättare sagt, Upplysningen uppstod i ett ruralsamhälle, där staden fortfarande var undantaget. Marshall Bermans citerar Rousseau för att visa the modernist sense of new possibilities, combined with the unease and uncertainty that comes from constant motion, change, and diversity. Men detta är inte, som Berman vill få det till, den tidiga kapitalismens/modernitetens uttryck: det är bara bonnläppens häpnad inför stortstaden.

I England däremot levde en långt större andel av befolkningen i städerna; dess invånare utsattes för ett ekonomiskt tvång; det fanns en förhållandevis välutbyggd marknad för vardagsartiklar (mat, textiler); arbetskraften proletariserades i allt högre grad. Den produktiva basen, jordbruket, organiserades efter kapitalistiska principer. Och Storbritanniens främsta ideolog var Smith, inte Descartes. Den brittiska staten var långt mindre rationell än l’ancien régime.

But the characteristic ideology that set England apart from other European cultures was above all the ideology of ’improvement’: not the Enlightenment idea of the improvement of humanity but the improvement of property, the ethic – and indeed the science – of profit, the commitment to increasing the productivity of labour, the production of exchange value, and the practice of enclosure and dispossession.

This ideology, especially the notion of agricultural improvement and the associated improvement literature produced in England, was conspicuously absent in eighteenth-century France, where peasants dominated production and landlords retained their rentier mentality – as, for that matter, did the bourgeoisie on the whole. (The exception, by the way, proves the rule: the Physiocrats, those French political economists for whom English agriculture was a model to emulate.)

Wood har naturligtvis politiska skäl för att skilja moderniteten från kapitalismen: hennes marxism går uttryckligen ut på att fullfölja det moderna projektet.

Wood definierar kapitalismen enbart som en fråga om marknaden: övergången från marknaden som möjlighet till tvång. Postone: kapitalism är inte avhängig, det är arbete som förmedlande av samhällelig nödvändighet.

 

Rasmus Fleischer, Musiken politiska ekonomi

Kapitalism och modernitet är oskiljbara begrepp, närmast synonyma. De syftar på en historisk process som börjar accelerera på 1700-talet. (Fleischer lämnar frågan om kapitalets verkliga begynnelse obesvarad).

Kapitalismen kännetecknas av polära motsatser: subjekt/objekt, kultur/natur, manligt/kvinnligt, produktion/konsumtion, arbetstid/fritid*, original/kopia. (Och djur/människa, skulle man kunna tillägga. Motsatserna har formen abstrakt/konkret? – se Postone om antisemitism.)

Kapitalet är den värdeförmerande processen. Arbetsvärdeläran är ingen arbetsvärdelära i smithiansk-ricardiansk bemärkelse: det är en teori om nödvändighetens moderna församhälleligande (Postone).

“Ett samhälle som kretsar kring varuproduktion är ett kapitalistiskt samhälle, alldeles oavsett vilken roll som spelas av staten och i vilken mån som samhällets invånare kan grupperas i olika klasser.”

Kapitalet är en totaliserande princip som förutsätter en utsida: avspaltningen från värdet. Avspaltningsteorin kan bidra till att förklara varför moderniteten består av motsatspar. (finns det avspaltningsteoretiker som tar sig annat än könsfrågan?)

Angående kapitalismens ursprung: inget anges rakt ut, men arbetsdelning är uppenbart något som kännetecknar kapitalismen.

Karl Marx kritiserade den ahistoriska förståelsen av arbete hos Adam Smith med efterföljare. Arbete var enligt Marx förståelse en realabstraktion specifik för kapitalismen: först i det historiska sammanhang då arbetskraft blir en vara på en reellt existerande arbetsmarknad blir det möjligt att även i tanken abstrahera vitt skilda sysslor till en så övergripande kategori som “arbete”.

Fanns det en arbetsmarknad i det medeltida Paris? Måste låna om Sharon Farmer. (Om det fanns, borde vi kunna vänta oss andra realabstraktioner. Konsten uppstod ju “parallellt med arbetet”, skriver Fleischer. Kan inte tillräckligt om medeltida fransk litteratur – fanns antydan till estetisering? konstnärens geni? “ett konstverk är ett ting som uppfattas som en personlig förmåga hos konstnären” not 55. hur skilja från aristokratiskt avståndstagande från arbete i allmänhet? ger arbetets teologi någon vägledning? naturligtvis hör de sköna konsterna 1700-talet till, men estetiken måste ju som arbetet ha en förhistoria.)

Om arbetsmarknad se även Christopher Dyers Age of Transition

(Se Enrico Castelnuovo i Le Goff (red) The Medieval World. Tanken om det moderna geniet som skild från medeltidens gudfruktighet och ödmjukhet beskriver han som en romantisk villfarelse.)

(Se även Alexander Murray Reason and Society in the Middle Ages, kapitel 12.1.ii The Privileges of the faculty of arts)

Avspaltningen, det vill säga uppdelningen av världen i motsatspar, kräver ett kontinuerligt renhållningsarbete. Latour.

(Martineau skriver om hur det förkapitalistiska arbetet kännetecknades av korta intensiva arbetsinsatser insprängda mellan längre perioder av låg aktivitet; “arbetsdagen” var något som uppstod i städerna med arbetsklockan. (dubbelkolla!)

 

 

Ockerkritiken kopplas till tiden, och förklaras genom köpmannatidens utbredning. Den ges djup genom att (med Postone) förklara kapitalismen som en sorts tidsligt tvång. Martineau använder Postone för att förklara tid, men Woods för att förklara varför det ännu inte var kapitalism. Han har inte gjort det nödvändiga arbete som krävs för att förena Postone och Woods.

läsanteckningar Martineau

Den mekaniska klockans utbredning sker inom ramen för en sociokulturell omvandling. Men den förkapitalistiska klocktiden ska inte förväxlas med den kapitalistiska. Det finns en kvalitativ skillnad mellan klocktidens plats i de förkapitalistiska tidsförhållande och dess plats i de kapitalistiska. Det handlar inte om teknik eller filosofi; i kapitalismen är klocktiden hegemonisk, det förhärskande sättet att ordna tidsliga förhållanden. I kapitalismen har klocktiden genomträngt och koloniserat samhällslivet som helhet.

I vilket sammanhang var de förkapitalistiska klockorna inbäddade, och hur påverkades de dominerande tidsförhållandena av klocktiden? Som Le Goff visat uppstår behovet av mer precisa klockor ur den kommersiella revolutionen och klasstrider i textilproduktionen.

Kommers och lönearbete är inte nödvändigtvis kapitalism, ens embryotisk kapitalism. De måste sättas i sina rätta sammanhang. Endast i kapitalismen är varje produktiv relation genomsyrad av marknadens logik. Endast i kapitalismen är lönearbetet en inkomstkälla skild från alla traditionella och normativa regler, i dess idealform helt bestämd av marknaden. (Ställ Postone mot detta – marknaden, ens hegemonisk, är inte synonym med kapitalism)

Kommersen var förkapitalistisk.  Exploateringen var icke-ekonomisk, i det att den berodde på direkt tvång för att appropriera mervärde. (Ellen Wood)

Martineaus argument är att de kommersiella klasserna under senmedeltiden inte var kapitalistiska klasser, eftersom marknaden ännu inte dominerade och exploateringen fortfarande var direkt och politisk. De klassernas kommersiella intressen, som drev på klocktidens utbredning, var inte kapitalistiska intressen, och inte nödvändigtvis protokapitalistiska intressen i någon teleologisk bemärkelse. Klocktiden är inte kapitalismens skapelse.

Arbetsklockor. Jordbrukets per capita-produktivitet sjönk under det tidiga trettonhundratalet (Omstritt! Brennerdebatten), vilket minskade de besuttnas konsumtion av marknadsvaror, vilket minskade ledde till en kris för textilindustrin. Krisen innebär ett behov av att disciplinera arbetskraften och närmare reglera arbetet. Arbetsklockorna har här en mycket specifik funktion. Textilindustrin skiljde sig från annan senmedeltida produktion i det att den var storskalig och exportinriktad, och kännetecknades av en strikt åtskillnad mellan arbetare och köpman. Arbetsdelningen antyder en medvetenhet om arbetets produktivitet, men det var en förkapitalistisk medvetenhet i det att de kommersiella klassernas ställning inte var beroende av produktivitetsnivåerna, utan snarare av kontrollen över handelsnätverk. (hänvisar till Postone p209 – står det verkligen där?) Stöder sig igen på Wood: handeln var icke-kapitalistisk därför att den inte var beroende av kostnadseffektiv produktion i en marknad driven av priskonkurrens, utan av monopolprivilegier och andra utomekonomiska fördelar.

Arbetsklockan ringer för att markera arbetsdagens början och slut. Arbetare och köpmän hade båda intresse av att reglera arbetsdagen, av att mäta tid. Stadslivet präglades av många sorters klockor – klockor som ringer för marknaden, klockor som ringer för varning, klockor som ringer för mässor – men arbetsklockan är unik i det att den inte ringer för någonting. Arbetsklockans tid var ett ramverk, med Postones uttryck en tidslighet som mäter aktivitet snarare än händelser. Det är the constant unfolding of the time of labour between two signals.  Arbetsklockan är en föraning av den mekaniska klockans tid.

Den mekaniska klockans utbredning var ett sätt att hantera klasskonflikterna arbetsklockan förde med sig. Den mekaniska klockornas tid var neutral, de kontrollerades inte av arbetsgivaren; och med dem följde en än större abstraktion. De ringde inte för att markera aktiviteters början och slut utan för att markera punkter i en abstrakt tid. De var skilda från den konkreta erfarenheten.

En av de viktigaste aspekterna av den mekaniska klockans utbredning var framväxten av de likvärdiga timmarna under mitten av trettonhundratalet. (Så sent? Crosby?) De likvärdiga timmarna utgör grunden för den abstrakta tiden. Den mekaniska klockans timmar kontrasterar mot arbetsklockans timmar (som följer arbetsledarens vilja) och kyrkans klockor (som följer de liturgiska rytmerna). Klockorna spreds i städerna. I Italien, Katalonien, norra Frankrike, Flandern, Tyskland, södra England. Klockmakare, klockvakter, klockreparatörer. Kungar och feodalherrar uppmuntrade spridningen; deras intressen var alltså inte motsatta köpmännens. Klocktidens likvärdiga timmar ersatte de olika timmarna som arbetsdagens grundläggande enhet i textilindustrins kärnstäder. Klockans spridning sker alltså inom ramarna för en förkapitalistisk lönearbetsordning. Likvärdiga timmar, det Le Goff kallar den nya tiden, är resultatet av en anpassning till det urbana arbetets förutsättningar.

Att köpa billigt och sälja dyrt i många olika marknader samtidigt, marknadsförbindelser som uppstår genom utomekonomiskt stöd från furstar och stadsledningar, kräver en viss tidslighet. Köpandet och säljandet måste ske vid särskilda tillfällen för att vara lönsamt. De lokala marknadernas tider är inte harmoniserade, alltså måste det uppstå en allmän och objektiv form av tid för att samordna kommersen. De långa transporttiderna, då priserna kunde stiga eller sjunka, ökar det samhälleliga behovet av en mer precis tid. For Le Goff, the new time of merchants takes on the aspect of a reference frame inside which the movement of goods is conceived. Commercial development, alongside the delimitation of work time, therefore formed the basic processes upon which a social interest in clock-time was manifested.

Klocktid abstraherar tidslighet, tempon, från konkreta praktiker och skriver in dem i ett abstrakt ramverk. Det låter den konkreta tidens olika kvaliteter bli kommensurabla.

To summarise, time-measurement in terms of abstract clock-time units is manifested as a need in the rules of reproduction of merchant classes, which thrive on market opportunities granted by military power and politically constituted trading privileges. The fourteenth century ‘revolution of the clock’ is inscribed in these social practices, rules of reproduction, and forms of social power, so much so that Le Goff does not hesitate to characterise the town clock as ‘un instrument de domination économique, sociale et politique des marchands qui régentent la commune’.

Men motsättningen mellan kyrkotid och köpmannatid som en konflikt mellan kyrkan och den urbana borgerligheten måste förfinas. För Le Goff är övergången från medeltid till modernitet en funktion av köpmannaklassens framväxt. Martineau påpekar (1) att textilindustrins tidsdisciplin i stora delar var kontinuerlig med klostrens tidsdisciplin, (2) likheterna mellan den subjektiva upplevelsen av tid inom kyrkotid och köpmannatid, och (3) att både kyrkotid och köpmannatid är vad Bakhtin kallar officiell tid. För Martineau är konflikten mellan köpmannatid och kyrkotid en konflikt mellan två approprierande klasser inom feodalismen.

  1. (första punkten är uppenbar. Klosterlivet, även arbetet [även inhyrt arbete], var mycket strikt reglerat; Crosby skriver också om hur klostren använt en kvantifierad tid, om hur likvärdiga timmar använts i lärda kretsar. Invändning: det är inte samhälleligt relevant. Martineau erkänner att klostrens tid byggde på olikvärdiga timmar, att tiden fortfarande var en beroende variabel, för att tala med Postone. Tidslig arbetsdisciplinering fanns både inom kyrkotiden och köpmannatiden skriver Martineau. Gör kyrkotid/köpmannatid till en fråga om schemaläggning. Måste läsa Le Goff igen, se om han är lika vulgär.
    1. As such, if one brings into the analysis Protestant conceptions of time that were to emerge later, and not solely time as conceptualised and practised under Roman Catholic institutions such as the Vatican or Catholic religious orders, one sees that merchant time and religious conceptions and practices of time, although they differed in important ways, were certainly not as starkly opposed as Le Goff and other commentators would have it. Så djävla dumt.)
    2. Måste läsa Postone mot Wood. Hur definierar Postone kapitalism? Hur definierar Wood kapitalism? Handlar förkapitalism om utomekonomisk appropriering av mervärde? Kan det inte göra, eftersom värde bara finns inom kapitalismen.
  2. Subjektiv erfarenhet. Det katolska kyrkans tid och köpmannens tid formar tidsupplevelsen på likartade sätt: synd och skuld. […] In both cases, sinner and debtor are immersed in a temporality of ’paying back’, of experiencing time-present as a time-extension which is subordinated to a time-future. The present time does not serve its own purpose per se, but some future one. This framing of time justifying
    1. Men tanken på skärselden uppstod ju precis nu, när marknaden och dess tid gjorde sitt intåg? Fanns det en temporal process of penance innan? Att människan upplevde nuet som ett sätt att ”spara” inför framtiden.
  3. Tid som klassmakt. Kyrkotiden och den nya tiden är båda former av samhällelig tid som kontrolleras och regleras (uppmäts?) av politiska, religiösa och ekonomiska eliter. But the existence of such a form of ’official time’ is still far from implying a systematised or hegemonic form of temporal alienation in pre-capitalist Europe. In pre-capitalist social time relations, there is also a ‘non-official’ time, a processual concrete time, governing the bulk of productive practices and popular culture. Appropriating classes in that context do not appropriate surplus through an apparatus reproducing temporal alienation. De är båda elittider: den huvudsakliga motsättningen är mellan officiell tid och processual concrete time, the time of life on the land, the time which springs out from the bulk of social and (re)productive life and that is expressed in cultural forms such as grotesque realism, identified by Mikhail Bakhtin as the paradigmatic world-view of Western European medieval popular culture.
    1. Men det är ju vad Le Goff kallar årets naturliga rytmer?

As such, in opposing the time of merchants to the time of the Church, Le Goff points to a fundamental aspect of the evolution of social time relations in the Middle Ages. However, although he recognises that the time of merchants that slowly erodes the ‘dominance’ of Church time in medieval consciousness is but a small part of the broader medieval time consciousness, he does not identify the conceptions and practices of time which permeate ‘unoffical’ life and which, as a matter of fact, govern much of the practices that reproduce feudal societies. Den huvudsakliga motsättningen osv

So, not only is clock-time not directly affecting the bulk of human (re)preoductive activities in that context, it is also confined to small geographical spaces and significantly changes it forms from one urban location to the next.

Det kvalitativa brottet mellan kapitalistisk och förkapitalistisk klocktid: den kapitalistiska är en sammansmältning av klocktiden och processes of capitalist valorization […]. Dvs, i kapitalismen är klocktiden universell as a social regulator – its direct involvement in the value formation, in appropriation, as well as its unification across space, which will make it the hegemonic time-form in capitalist social time relations.

[…]

Clock-time did not hegemonise time relations in such a context where most human activities were predicated on concrete times. This can be explained in part by the relative absence of control by the appropriators (lords) over the actual labour process, and by the fact that socially necessary labour time […] exerts its power specifically in capitalism. I have pointed out how in urban textile centres, the work bells and clocks were used by employers to temporally discipline the workforce – in a limited and contested process – in order to take advantage of market opportunities. The time of labour was disciplined to some extent by the employers, while the labour process itself remained to a large extent under the labourers’ control. In an even clearer fashion, in the countryside, and as such in the bulk of medieval productive practices, lords do not supervise, control or manage the labour processes: their social power and control over the peasants rather takes the form of political, military and legal powers of appropriation, which do not entail the control over the labour process per se. [det här är Wood/Hilton i repris)

[…]

Through his notion of grotesque realism, an aesthetic concept which encompasses the imagery and form of popular culture, Bakhtin highlighted its bodily materiality and the concreteness of its conceptions and images of life and temporal cycles, at odds with the abstract and linear character of ‘official’ cultural forms in this period. What is interesting in Bakhtin’s concept is that it covers the later period of the Renaissance: some 150 to 200 years after the introduction of clock-time in pre-capitalist social time relations. Crucially, then, one can observe that clock-time has not penetrated popular culture and the bulk of productive practices. […] Indeed, conceptions and practices expressed in grotesque realist culture are oppositional to both Church time and merchant clock-time; they do not display signs of a social embedment of clock-time in the bulk of productive life.

Den karnevala kulturen focused on what Bakhtin terms ‘the material bodily lower stratum’. The temporal life manifested through this body is the ‘continually growing and renewed’ life of the people, it ‘refers not to the isolated biological individual, not to the private, egotistic “economic man”, but to the collective ancestral body of all the people … the material bodily principle is triumphant, festive principle, it is a “banquet for all the world”’.

Karnevalen hånar, vanhelgar, befriar. Den existerar i uttrycklig motsättning till de kyrkliga högtiderna.

[…] while official feasts sanctioned existing patterns of power relations, carnival feasts created ’a second life for the people, who for a time entered the utopian realm of community, freedom, equality, and abundance’. Accordingly, each form of feast was linked to a different conception of time. The official feasts of the Middle Ages – be they ecclesiastic, feudal, or state-sponsored – had a formal link to time. These feasts ‘asserted that all was stable, unchanging, perennial: the existing hierarchy, the existing religious, political, and moral values, norms and prohibitions’. […] The popular feast, in contrast, was essentially related to time, ‘either to the recurrence of an event in the natural (cosmic) cycle, or to biological or historic timelines.’ Death, birth, survival, change and renewal characterized the temporality of the popular feasts that were based on such natural, social and personal events. (grotesk tid är metamorfos: död, återfödelse, förnyelse, tillblivande, vardande istället för varande.)

This popular time shaped and filled feudal social time relations to a great extent, and wa sopposed to the dominant conceptions and practices time held by ruling classes such as the ’new time’ or the ’time of the Church’.

Social time relations in this period [pre-capitalist Western Europe] should rather be viewed as a struggling entity in which these two forms contrast sharply from the conceptions and practices of time of popular realism and those permeating the bulk of productive life. Thus, alongside the conceptions of time that Le Goff and most historiography place at the apex of the Middle Ages, namely the time of God and of Church theology and practices, the evenemential time of town bells and monastic life, and the constant uniform time of merchants, there is a whole other time: the processual concrete time of popular folk culture and socio-material productive practices. […]

Le Goff’s shortcomings stem in part from the fact that he mistakes pre-capitalist urban commodity production for the birth of capitalism. […] the spread of clock-time is seen as just the inevitable outcome of the emergence of capitalism from the quantitative expansion of trade and commerce.

Frågan om varför klocktiden blev hegemonisk grundas inte i någon kvalitativ åtskillnad av kapitalistiska och förkapitalistiska tidsförhållanden. While the time of labour ’organised’ in pre-capitalist wage-labour practices in specific social microcosms where merchants adapted production in order to profit from market opportunities, the proportion of the total social time of labour affected by this process is not very significant, and neither is the level to which the labour process itself is ‘clock-time-disciplined’. [nej, men det kan vara samhälleligt relevant i städerna, där ockerkritiken ju fick sitt fäste]

Therefore, the totalising logic behind clock-time in the capitalist period is not an inherent function of clock-time per se. Abstractions do not become totalising ’on their own’. It is in specific social contexts that abstractions can acquire a power of their own. Capitalism provides such a social context in which alienated social relations (re)produce abstractions and reification. […] Relatedly, in terms of geographical spread, clock-time affects only unconnected urban monads prior to capitalism.

Förkapitalism övergår till kapitalism genom brennersk argrarkapitalism: man måste skilja på kapitalism och kommers.

[…] there were instances in feudal socities in which the time of labouring practices could appear as having been, to some extent, alienated. […] But it is important to point out here that the time of labour per se is not alienated in this context. Although work is performed alongside a temporal order characterised by time-discipline, there is no fusion between appropriation and time: surplus transfers from producers to appropriators is not predicated on abstract time measures. Det finns temporal domination, men inte temporal alienation.

Vi har att göra med varan som en nischform.  (Postone-anteckningar)

Postone om abstrakt tid redux

Thus, when labor itself acts as the general quasi-objective means of mediating products, this constitutes a general quasi-objective measure of wealth which is independent of […] overt social ties and contexts. This measure, according to Marx, is the socially necessary expenditure of human labor time. This time, as we shall see, is a determinate, “abstract” form of time.

Det vill säga, varuformen innebär en abstraktion från varornas särskilda natur. Produktionen innebär en abstraktion från den konkreta arbetstiden till en abstrakt tid. Denna abstraktion är av nödvändighet kvantitativ.

Marx analyserar på samhällsnivå: arbetstiden som mäter värde är inte individuell arbetstid, utan samhälleligt nödvändig. Tiden som nedläggs på en enskild produkt förmedlas på ett samhälleligt allmänt sätt, transformed into an average that determiness the magnitude of the value of the product. ’Samhälleligt nödvändig arbetstid’ uttrycker en allmän tidslig norm som alla måste förhålla sig till. It is the temporal dimension of the abstract domination that characterizes the structures of alienated social relations in capitalism. The social totality constituted by labor as an objective general mediation has a temporal character, wherein time becomes necessity.

Skillnaden mellan värde och materiell rikedom.

[…]

Vad för sorts tid har vi att göra med när vi talar om samhälleligt nödvändig arbetstid? Postone skiljer i huvudsak på tid som beroende och oberoende variabel.

Vi kan tala om en sorts tid som är en funktion av händelser: tiden det tar att säga Fader vår; alla naturliga eller mänskliga rytmer. Innan kapitalismen var detta den dominerande tidsformen. Det är en konkret tid. Den existerar inte oberoende av händelser, hence, it could be determined qualitatively, as good or bad, sacred or profane (p201).

Concrete time is broader category than is cyclical time, for there are linear conceptions of time which are essentially concrete, such as the Jewish notion of history, defined by the Exodus, the Exile, and the coming of the Messiah, or the Christian conception of terms of the Fall, the Crucifixion, and the Second Coming. Concrete time is characterized less by its direction than the fact that it is a dependent variable. In the traditional Jewish and Christian notions of history, for example, the events mentioned do not occur within time, but structure and determine it. (201)

Konkret tid bygger ofta på olikvärdiga timmar. Such a form of time reckoning seems to be related to modes of social life strongly dominated by agrarian, “natural” rhythms of life and work that depend on the cycles of the seasons and of day and night. A relationship exists between the measure of time and the sort of time involved. The fact that the time unit is not constant, but itself varies, indicates that this form of time is a dependent variable, a function of events, occurrences, or actions.

Abstrakt tid, däremot, är tom och likvärdig. Den existerar oberoende av händelser. Den blev increasingly dominant in Western Europé between the fourteenth and seventeenth centuries, [and] was expressed most emphatically in Newton’s formulation of “absolute, true and mathematical time [which] flows equably without relation to anything external.” (p202) Den abstrakta tiden är en oberoende variable: den utgör det ramverk inom vilket händelser sker, men definieras inte av dem. Den delas (eller kan delas) i likvärdiga, icke-kvalitativa enheter.

Den abstrakta tiden är historiskt unik för Västeuropa. Hur kunde den uppstå? The origins of abstract time should be sought in the prehistory of capitalism, in the late Middle Ages. It can be related to a determinate, structured form of social practice that entailed a transformation of time’s social significance in some spheres of European society in the fourteenth century and, by the end of the seventeenth century, was well on its way to becoming socially hegemonic. More specifically, the historical origins of the conception of abstract time should be seen in terms of the constitution of the social reality of such time with the spread of the commodity-determined form of social relations. (p202)

[om kyrkliga timmar] This mode of time reckoning was transformed dramatically in the course of the fourteenth century: according to Gustav Bilfinger, modern, or constant hours began to appear in European literature in the first half of that century and, by the beginning of the fifteenth century, generally had displaced the variable hours of classical antiquity and the canonical hours. This historical transition from a mode of time reckoning based on the variable hours to one based on constant hours implicitly marks the emergence of abstract time, of time as an independent variable. (203)

(Postones diskussion om historiska klockverk och tideräkningar stöder sig framför allt på Gustav Bilfingers Die mittelalterlichen Horen, som jag inte har kunnat finna i översättning, och David Landes Revolution in Time.)

Detta beror inte på klockan. Rather, the appearance of the mechanical clock itself must be understood with reference to a sociocultural process that it, in turn, strongly reinforced. (vi vet ju att det gjordes klockor med olikvärdiga timmar; och att man i Kina utvecklade constant time units utan att nå någon abstrakt och rent kvantitativ tid.)

The origin of abstract time, then, seems to be related to the organization of social time. Abstract time, apparently, cannot be understood solely in terms of invariable time units any more than its origins can be attributed to technical devices. (p206)

Det fanns två institutioner i det medeltida Europa för vilka mätandet av tiden var särskilt viktigt: klostren och städerna. Klosterlivet ordnades efter olikvärdiga timmar. […] the importance of time discipline became emphasized more strongly in the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries. (p207). Detta gällde framför allt cistercienserna, som hade storskaliga jordbruks-, tillverknings-, och gruvnäringsprojekt. Arbetstiden reglerades på samma sätt som bönetiden, måltiden, och vilotiden.[1]

De likvärdiga timmarna och de mekaniska uren uppstod dock inte i klostren utan i städerna. I början av trettonhundratalet började stadslivet regleras av en mängd olika klockor. Marknaden, arbetsdagen, natten, brand, fara. Men, som sagt, även klosterlivet präglades av en sträng tidslig norm. Att de likvärdiga timmarna uppstod i städerna beror, enligt Bilfinger, på att städernas regler hade en annan karaktär och ett annat syfte. Bilfinger menar att kyrkan visserligen ville mäta tiden, men den hade inget intresse av att göra sig av med de olikvärdiga timmarna (horae canonicae) which had become closely tied to its dominant position in European society. Inga sådana hinder fanns för städerna.

Det är ju helt uppenbart en otillfredsställande förklaring. Bilfinger postulerar implicit en universallag, och letar sedan ad hoc-förklaringar till varför det inte skedde tidigare.

Landes säger att det beror på att stadslivet i grunden är mänskligt; det står fritt från lantlivets naturliga rytmer. Men städer har funnits länge. Likvärdiga timmar är nya.

Postones förklaring är att det handlar om två olika sorters tidsdisciplin. I klostren bestod regleringen i en serie punkter som markerade när vissa sysslor skulle göras – laudes, ters, vesper, och så vidare. Kyrkotiden, till skillnad från köpmannatiden, mäter inte aktivitet.

As I shall show, the transition to constant time units should be further specified in terms of a new form of social relations, a new social form that cannot be grasped fully in terms of sociological categories such as “peasant life” and “urban life,” and that is bound to abstract time.

[Le Goff om arbetsklockorna]. Arbetsklockorna är ett uttryck för ett nytt samhälleligt förhållande: en storskalig textilproduktion för export. Till skillnad från de andra hantverken fanns det i textilproduktionen en strikt arbetsdelning mellan köpmännen och arbetarna, i en tidig form av kapital-arbete-förhållande. (arbetet utfördes i verkstäder med spinnrockar o. dyl. som ägdes av mästarna). […] Implicit in this form of production is the importance of productivity.

Produktiviteten beror på i vilken utsträckning arbetet kan disciplineras; trettonhundratalet präglas av flera strider mellan köpmän och textilarbetare om arbetsdagens längd. Arbetsklockorna, ofta uppförda av eller åt rika köpmän, reglerade dagens början och slut. Det vill säga, arbetsklockorna definierade en tid som innan hade varit naturlig.

The work day had come to be defined in terms of a temporality that was not a dependent variable of the seasonal variations in the length of daylight and darkness.[2] This is the significance of the fact that the focal issue of worker’s struggles in the 14th century was the duration of the work day. […] The struggle over the length of the work day […] expresses and contributes to the social constitution of time as an abstract measure of reality.

När tiden är ett sätt att mäta aktivitet, som den alltså var i städerna men inte i klostren, är den också implicit enhetlig.

The system of work bells, as we have seen, developed within the context of large-scale production for exchange, based upon wage labor. It expressed the historical emergence of a de facto social relationship between the level of wages and labor output as measured temporally – which, in turn, implied the notion of productivity, of labor output per unit time. In other words, with the rise of early capitalist forms of social relations in the cloth-producing urban communes of Western Europe, a form of time emerged that was a measure of, and eventually a compelling norm for, activity. Such a time is divisible into constant units; and with a social framework constituted by the emerging commodity form, such units also are socially meaningful.

Det vill säga, den nya tidens utbredning är en funktion av varuformens utbredning.

Although abstract time arose socially in the late Middle Ages, it did not become generalized until much later. Not only did rural life continue to be governed by the rhythms of the seasons, but even in the towns, abstract time impinged directly upon only the lives of merchants and the relatively small number of wage earners. (Dock – se Kaye och Crosby)

[…]

The equality and divisibility of constant time units abstracted from the sensuous reality of light, darkness, and the seasons became a feature of everyday urban life (even if it did not affect all town dwellers equally), as did the related equality and divisibility of value, expressed in the money form, which is abstracted from the sensuous reality of various products. These moments in the growing abstraction and quantification of everyday objects – indeed, of various aspects of everyday life itself – probably played an important role in changing social consciousness. […]

[…]

Unlike the concrete time of the Church, a form of temporality controlled overtly by a social institution, abstract time, like other aspects of domination in capitalist society, is “objective.” […] As with the other categorial social forms investigated in this work, abstract time is a form that emerged historically with the development of the domination of the bourgeoisie and has served the interests of that class; but it has also helped to constitute those interests historically (indeed, the very category of “interests”), and it expresses a form of domination beyond that of the dominating class. […] Although constituted socially, time in capitalism exerts an abstract form of compulsion.

Den abstrakta tiden är alltså en tid som, liksom arbetet, abstraheras från den faktiska tid som nedläggs i varje vara, till en allmän samhällelig norm: från att vara definierad av en aktivitet, blir tiden ett mått på samma aktivitet. The amount of time that determines a single commodity’s magnitude of value is a dependent variable. The time itself, however, has become independent of activity – whether individual, social, or natural. It has become an independent variable, measured in constant, continuous, commensurable, and interchangeable conventional units (hours, minutes, seconds), which serves as an absolute measure of motion and of labor qua expenditure.

 

Klocktiden, skriver Martinaeu, är modernitetens främsta symbol men samtidigt en medeltida uppfinning. Mellan dessa två klocktider är en kvalitativ avgrund: endast när de kapitalistiska samhällsrelationerna etablerats är klocktiden hegemonisk. As such, the qualitative gap has to do on the one hand with the level of penetration and colonisation of social life as a whole by clock-time, and on the other with unification and universalisation of a clock-time framework across space. (Martineau talar här om klassrelationerna.)

 

[1] Och, fast Postone inte säger det, av samma skäl. För cistercienserna, liksom för många kristna under den här perioden, helgades arbetet på ett helt nytt sätt. Jag menar då inte att varje munk var ett under av fromhet och arbetslust – nog fanns det de som sade Lat Austyn have his swynk to hym reserved! – men arbetet var inte längre nödvändigtvis som ett gudomligt straff för syndafallet, utan i allt större utsträckning ett sätt att  Le Goff Money and the Middle Ages kap 7

[2] Se Le Goff och Gurevitj om nattens symboliska betydelse.

The River Song

This boat is of shato-wood, and its gunwales are
cut magnolia,
Musicians with jewelled flutes and with pipes of gold
Fill full the sides in rows, and our wine
Is rich for a thousand cups.
We carry singing girls, drift with the drifting water,
Yet Sennin needs
A yellow stork for a charger, and all our seamen
Would follow the white gulls or ride them.
Kutsu’s prose song
Hangs with the sun and moon.

King So’s terraced palace
is now but a barren hill,
But I draw pen on this barge
Causing the five peaks to tremble,
And I have joy in these words
like the joy of blue islands.
(If glory could last forever
Then the waters of Han would flow northward.)
And I have moped in the Emperor’s garden, await-
ing an order-to-write!
I looked at the dragon-pond, with its willow-
coloured water
Just reflecting the sky’s tinge,
And heard the five-score nightingales aimlessly
singing.

The eastern wind brings the green colour into the
island grasses at Yei-shu,
The purple house and the crimson are full of Spring
softness.
South of the pond the willow-tips are half-blue and
bluer,
Their cords tangle in mist, against the brocade-like
palace.
Vine-strings a hundred feet long hang down from
carved railings,
And high over the willows, the fine birds sing to
each other, and listen,
Crying – “Kwan, Kuan,” for the early wind, the and the
feel of it.
The wind bundles itself into a bluish cloud and
wanders off.
Over a thousand gates, over a thousands doors are
the sounds of spring singing,
And the Emperor is at Ko.
Five clouds hang aloft, bright on the purple sky,
The imperial guards come forth from the golden
house with their armour a-gleaming.
The emperor in his jewelled car goes out to inspect
his flowers,
He goes out to Hori, to look at the wing-flapping
storks,
He returns by way of Sei rock, to hear the new
nightingales,
For the gardens at Jo-run are full of new nightin-
gales,
Their sound is mixed in this flute,
Their voice is in the twelve pipes here.